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Classroom Discipline in Australia
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1 Classroom Discipline in Australia
Ramon Lewis
In Handbook of Classroom Management. (2006).
Evertson, M. C. & Weinstein, C. S. (Eds). Lawrence Erlbaum Asso ciates, Inc. New Jersey:1193‐
1213.
Introduction
In addressing classroom manageme nt this chapter will focus prim arily on what teachers do
in response to student: [anonimizat], rather than what they do t o avoid it. The term used for
such behaviour will be Classroom discipline. The discussion wil l first establish the
significance of teachers’ disciplinary behaviour in classrooms. Secondly, the gap that exists
between Australian students’ and teachers’ perceptions of good disciplinary practice and that
which is practised in Australian classrooms will be examined. F inally, the impact of various
discipline strategies on student s will be considered. In conduc ting this analysis, all patterns
w i t h i n t h e d a t a w i l l b e e s t a b l i s h e d p r i o r t o i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e i r significance and any
implications for practice.
Importance of classroom discipline
Classroom discipline serves a number of functions. One of the m ost important is to facilitate
students’ subject learning (Bagley, 1914; Lewis, 1997a; Wolfgan g, 1995). Without adequate
responses to students’ inappropri ate behaviour, teachers will b e unable to present even their
best planned lessons (Barton, Coley & Wenglinsky, 1998; Charles , 2001).
A second recognised function of classroom discipline is to faci litate good citizenship
(Anderson, Avery, Pederson, Smith & Sullivan, 1997; Barber, 199 8; Bennet, 1998; Cunat,
1996; McDonnell, 1998; Osborne, 1995; Osler & Starkey, 2001; Pe arl & Knight, 1998; Print,
1996/7). Within Australia, there is a great deal of concern about the ne ed for schools to provide
students with a curriculum capabl e of preparing them for democr atic citizenship and social
competence (Ainley, Batten, Collins & Withers, 1998; 1998; Civi cs Expert Group, 1994;
Curriculum Corporation, 1998; Ke mp, 1997; Kennedy, 1996,1998; L ewis, 2001; Mellor,
Kennedy & Greenwood, 2001). In the words of the Federa l Minister for Education,
C i v i c s a n d c i t i z e n s h i p e d u c a t i o n i s a n i m p o r t a n t n a t i o n a l p r i o r i t y . O u r d e m o c r a c y
depends on informed participation. Schools play a crucial role in helping to foster such
participation. (Hon. Dr. Brendon Nelson, 2002)
The significant role that schools play in developing appropriat e values in their students is
a l s o r e c o g n i s e d b y t e a c h e r s . F o r e x a m p l e , M e l l o r e t a l ( 2 0 0 1 ) r eport that 98% of 352
Australian teachers surveyed believed that civic education matt ers a great deal for Australia.
2
In an ongoing attempt to promote appropriate curriculum materia ls, the national Curriculum
C o r p o r a t i o n d e v e l o p e d , a n d c o n t i n u e s t o p r o m o t e , a p a c k a g e e n t i tled “Discovering
Democracy (Curriculum Corporat ion, 1998‐2003). As a result of b eing exposed to this
curriculum, students are expected ‘develop personal character t raits, such as respecting
individual worth and human dignity, empathy, respect for the la w, being informed about
public issues, critical mindedn ess and willingness to express p oints of view, listen, negotiate
and compromise’ (Curriculum Corp oration, 1994:7). However it is acknowledged that Civics
education programs focusing on knowledge transmission alone hav e limited effect. The
values that are to be promoted have to be incorporated into the day to day experience of
students.
If we want greater understanding in civics, then students need the opportunity to
engage; which in turn promotes their belief and understanding t hat participation and
engagement are worthwhile (Mellor et al, 2001.)
In addition to promoting citizenship values through classroom d iscipline, a third function of
discipline is to facilitate within students more generally the development of appropriate
morals and values (Fenstermacher, 2001; Narvaez, Gleason & Samu els, 1998; Hansen, 2001;
Lickona, 1996; Pring, 2001; Richardson & Fenstermacher, 2001), and character (Benninga &
Wynne, 1998; Fisher, 1998; Glanze r, 1998; Houston, 1998; Jones, Stoodley, 1999 Rothstein,
2000; R& Bonlin, 1999; Schae ffer, 1999; Siebold, 1998).
I n a b i d t o a c h i e v e o n e o r m o r e o f t h e s e a i m s s o m e e d u c a t o r s s t rongly support what
Wolfgang (1995) would call Interventionist strategies such as r eward and punishment
(Canter & Canter, 1992; Swinson & Melling, 1995). Others, in c ontrast, argue for strategies
which provide for more student involvement in decision‐making, s u c h a s o n e t o o n e
discussion and class meetings ( Freiberg, Stein & Huang, 1996; H yman & Snook, 2000; Kohn,
1996, 1998; Miller, Ferguson & Byrne 2000; Pearl & Knight, 19 98; Schneider, 1996). This
chapter will investigate the effectiveness of various disciplin e strategies in the Australian
context by considering how close ly teachers’ and students’ conc eptions of best practice are
implemented in Australian classrooms. In addition, it will also report on the perceived impact
of teachers’ disciplinary behaviour on the attitudes of student s towards their schoolwork, the
teacher and the misbehaving students.
Assessing the impact of classroom discipline
Before ideal and real classroom discipline can be compared, and the impact of classroom
discipline assessed, teachers’ dis ciplinary behaviour must be m easured. However, validly
observing teachers dealing with inappropriate student behaviour in classrooms is not easily
accomplished. Two factors adversely influence the validity of s uch observations. First, once
an observer (or recording device) is present, students may alte r their characteristic
behaviour. Some may become more provocative due to the addition a l a d u l t a u d i e n c e ,
whereas for others, the adult presence may lessen the likelihoo d of misbehaviour. Secondly,
t e a c h e r s w h o a r e a w a r e t h a t t h e y a r e b e i n g o b s e r v e d m a y a l t e r t heir characteristic
3 behaviour. Some may “toughen up” and become more controlling, w hereas others may tend
t o a v o i d c o n f r o n t a t i o n b y i n c r e a s i n g t h e i r “ i g n o r i n g ” o f i n a p p r opriate behaviour or by
responding more gently. A further difficulty associated with assessing the impact of cl assroom discipline via
observations relates to cost. Ob taining sufficient observations to approximate a
representative sample of a teachers’ disciplinary behaviour is extremely expensive, involving
a n u m b e r o f v i s i t s t o a t e a c h e r ’ s c l a s s r o o m t o e n s u r e a v a l i d s ample of behaviour.
Consequently in preparing a chapter on classroom discipline in Australia, it was not
surprising to find that all relevant research had utilised the perceptions of students and the
self‐reports of teachers.
Misbehaviour and related teacher stress
It is common for the Australian popular press to sensationalise the “problem” of classroom
discipline and the associated teacher stress. For example, arti cles entitled Safety of teachers
must come first (O’Halloran, 2003) , Critical delay on “bad kid” classes (Sun Herald, 2003) or
Counsellors needed for school discipline crisis (Sydney Morning Herald, 2002) appear to
suggest that school misbehaviour threatens both teachers and st udents. However, research
which reports levels of student misbehaviour does not indicate the presence of a very
significant problem (Fields, 1986; Hart, Wearing & Conn, 1995; Johnson, Oswald & Adey,
1993; Oswald, Johnson & Whitting ton, 1997; Lewis, 2001) Similar ly, Australian research on
teacher stress and concern levels show that they are only mode rate (Applied Psychology
Research Group, 1989; Dinham 1993; IEU 1996; Lewis, 1999, 2001; Louden 1987;
McCormick, 2000; Otto, 1986; Pithers, & Soden, 1998; Sinclair 1 992; Smith, 1996).
In the most recent research reporting on misbehaviour in Austra lian classrooms and
teachers’ levels of concern over discipline issues, Lewis, Romi , Qui & Katz (2004) present data
from 491 secondary teachers from Melbourne (as we ll as 98 from Israel and 159 from China).
They demonstrate that approximately two thirds of the Australia n sample of teachers report
that they expect “hardly any” or “none’ of their students to mi sbehave and all but 3 of the
remaining respondents indicate t hat only “some” students will m isbehave. When asked
“what extent is the issue of classroom discipline and student m isbehaviour an issue of
concern to you?” 61% report that it is no more than a minor str essor, 27% say moderate and
only 12% state that discipline is a major source of stress. In summary it can be seen that
there is little support for the view that there is a crisis in classroom discipline in Australia.
N e v e r t h e l e s s , o v e r o n e t h i r d o f A u s t r a l i a n t e a c h e r s a p p e a r t o b e experiencing at least
moderate levels of stress as a r esult of classroom discipline a nd student misbehaviour.
The reason classroom discipline remains significant relates to the range of rationales
discussed above. In addition to the obvious need to prevent stu dent misbehaviour from
interfering with the teaching‐le arning process, within Australi a, there is much concern about
the need for schools to provide students with a curriculum capa ble of preparing students for
democratic citizenship and social competence (Ainley, Batten, C ollins & Withers, 1998; 1998;
Civics Expert Group, 1994; Curriculum Corporation, 1998; Kemp, 1997; Kennedy, 1996,
1998; Lewis, 2001; Mellor, Kenne dy & Greenwood, 2001).
4 In the words of the Federa l Minister for Education,
C i v i c s a n d c i t i z e n s h i p e d u c a t i o n i s a n i m p o r t a n t n a t i o n a l p r i o r i t y . O u r d e m o c r a c y
depends on informed participation. Schools play a crucial role in helping to foster such
participation. (Hon. Dr. Brendon Nelson, 2002)
The significant role that schools play in developing appropriat e values in their students is
a l s o r e c o g n i s e d b y t e a c h e r s . F o r e x a m p l e , M e l l o r e t a l ( 2 0 0 1 ) r eport that 98% of 352
Australian teachers surveyed believed that civic education matt ers a great deal for Australia.
In an ongoing attempt to promote appropriate curriculum materia ls, the national Curriculum
C o r p o r a t i o n d e v e l o p e d , a n d c o n t i n u e s t o p r o m o t e , a p a c k a g e e n t i tled “Discovering
Democracy (Curriculum Corporat ion, 1998‐2003). As a result of b eing exposed to this
curriculum, students are expected ‘develop personal character t raits, such as respecting
individual worth and human dignity, empathy, respect for the la w, being informed about
public issues, critical mindedn ess and willingness to express p oints of view, listen, negotiate
and compromise’ (Curriculum Corp oration, 1994:7). However it is acknowledged that Civics
education programs focusing on knowledge transmission alone hav e limited effect. The
values that are to be promoted have to be incorporated into the day to day experience of
students.
If we want greater understanding in civics, then students need the opportunity to
engage; which in turn promotes their belief and understanding t hat participation and
engagement are worthwhile (Mellor et al, 2001.)
Having established the significance of students misbehaviour an d classroom discipline in
Australia it is now appropriate to address the major focus of t his chapter, namely how
perceptions of teachers’ classroom discipline strategies compar e to perceptions of best
practice.
Students’ preferred disciplinary strategies
In a series of studies conducted between 1980 and 1987 Lewis an d Lovegrove gathered data
from year 9 students (approximately 14‐15 years old), regarding their teachers’ classroom
discipline. All of the studies were conducted in Victoria, Aust ralia. Initially 34 characteristics
defining good or bad teachers, and 46 disciplinary strategies u tilised by such teachers were
generated from taped, group interviews of 5 classes of year 9 s tudents. These then formed
the focus of a number of surveys. In one study (Lovegrove & Lew is, 1982), in which 264 year
9 students were surveyed, respondents indicated which strategie s were used by their best
and worst teachers. As a result, it was possible to identify st rategies most preferred by
students. In a later study (Lewis & Lovegrove, 1983) Year 9 students were once again surveyed. On this
occasion 364 respondents used a modified version of the earlier instrument to describe one
of their current teacher’s disciplinary practices. They also in dicated the extent to which they
5 liked this teacher. Consequently, in this study it was possible to make inferences regarding
not only the discipline preferre d by students but also teachers ’ current classroom practice.
A third study involved a replication of the second with 710 yea r 9 students. This was followed
by a fourth study which involved administering a slightly modif ied version of the previous
questionnaire to a sample of 408 year 9 students. In this inves tigation respondents were
asked to indicate the extent to which a “good” teacher is chara cterised by such disciplinary
behaviour. In synthesising all th ese data, Lewis & Lovegrove (1 987a) highlight the discipline
strategies preferred by students in the following terms.
One can infer that students appear to desire the teacher to tak e responsibility for the
maintenance of order in the classroom and not involve either pa rents or other teachers.
They want clear rules, designed in conjunction with students an d based on a number of
reasons including the needs of t he students and the teacher. Th e use of sanctions should
occur after a warning, should involve only the miscreant and sh ould be applied in a
calm manner, minimising embarrassment to the miscreant. The san ctions used should
focus on isolating students who misbehave and should not includ e arbitrary or harsh
punishments. They should be applied consistently. Finally, good teachers should
recognise appropriate behaviour, both by individuals and by the class (p. 100).
In comparison to the range of di scipline strategies assessed by Lewis & Lovegrove, King,
Gullone & Dadds, M (1990) provided only four possible teacher r esponses to student
misbehaviour for 616 Melbourne el ementary and secondary student s to consider. These
were permissiveness (let the student get away with it), physica l punishment (smack the
child), discussion (talk with th e child) and exclusion (put the student in another room). These
alternative responses were used for 3 independent problems, nam ely a student refusing to
p i c k u p b o o k s , s t u d e n t a g g r e s s i o n t o w a r d s a c l a s s m a t e , a n d t e m p er tantrums in the
classroom. In each situation the students rated discussion as t he most desirable teacher
action, followed by exclusion, then physical punishment and fin ally permissiveness. Clearly
there are some similarities with t h e r e s u l t s d i s c u s s e d a b o v e . S tudents wish teachers to
intervene, they are supportive of isolation as a form of conseq uence and prefer to receive
explanations as to why the behav iour is unacceptable. Their sup port for talking with the child
was not something that students in the earlier studies had the opportunity to evaluate,
however in the teachers’ preferences section that follows, it i s clearly identified as a desirable
technique.
Teachers’ preferred disciplinary strategies
In 1991, 427 elementary and 556 secondary school teachers were provided a list of 61
disciplinary strategies and requested to indicate the extent to which each would characterise
an “ideal” teacher (Lewis, Lovegrove & Burman, 1991). The items listed were those provided
to students in earlier studies, but were augmented by the addit ion of a number of items to
cover areas such as discussions with and involvement of student s.
6
The results indicate that elementary teachers described an idea l teacher’s discipline as being
based on very clear rules, determined in part by the students. Students would also help
identify the punishments to be applied to misbehaving students. Ideal teachers would be very
much in charge, although when necessary they would involve the parents of students who
misbehave. Explanations regarding the need for appropriate beha viour would be primarily
based on disruption to the class, and to a lesser extent, disru ption to the teacher. Good
behaviour would be modelled and rewarded, and punishments would take the form of logical
consequences and social isolatio n aimed only at the students wh o misbehave. Students would
be allowed an opportunity to explain their side of the story an d be assisted to see the impact
their misbehaviour had on others. In this way they would be exp ected to identify how to
improve their behaviour in future . At all times the ideal eleme ntary teacher would avoid
becoming angry and yelling at, o r embarrassing misbehaving stud ents.
In general there is strong agreement between the secondary teac hers’ responses and those of
the elementary teachers. The mai n differences lie in the areas of recognition of appropriate
behaviour, inclusion in decision ‐making and punishments. Second ary teachers provide less,
yet still considerable, support for rewarding or praising stude nts for doing what is expected.
They also want less student involvement in defining both rules and sanctions for
misbehaviour. In addition, second ary teachers profess greater s u p p o r t f o r a r a n g e o f
assertive strategies. For example they are more likely to chara cterise “ideal” teachers as
making greater use of demands for appropriate behaviour, isolat ion of misbehaving students
inside or out of the classrooms and detention. They are also le ss disapproving of yelling at
misbehaving students and embarrassing them than are elementary teachers. Possible
explanations for these differences are examined later in the ch apter.
In summarising preferred teacher discipline, it can be seen tha t the views of teachers and
students are very similar. Both appear to support the concept o f an interventional teacher,
having clear rules (with some student input into their definiti on). According to the data,
teachers should provide; warning s or explanations based on disr uption to learning and to a
l e s s e r e x t e n t t e a c h i n g , r e c o g n i t i o n o f a p p r o p r i a t e b e h a v i o u r , a nd punishment only for
misbehaving students (primarily catch up work, social isolation and detention). Then they
should consistently and calmly follow through, but in doing so minimise embarrassment of
students. Finally, counselling is strongly supported by teacher s and students (when they
were provided an opportunity to comment). In interpreting these findings it is useful to briefly refer to a theory of power developed by
French and Raven (1959). This analysis of power in relationship s continues to provide a
valuable framework for those examining classroom discipline (Ta uber, 1999). In dealing with
the misbehaviour of students, teachers may knowingly or unknowi ngly draw upon five kinds
of power (Tauber, 1999). The first is Coercive power. It is the power a teacher has over a
student that comes from the student’s desire to avoid punishmen t associated with
inappropriate classroom behaviour. The second is Reward power. Teachers who provide
desired recognitions and rewards for appropriate behaviour have such power. The third,
L e g i t i m a t e p o w e r , i s t h e p o w e r t h a t i s i n h e r e n t i n t h e r o l e o c c u p i e d b y t e a c h e r s . I t i s
7 bestowed upon them by society, coming with the position they oc cupy. The fourth is Referent
or relationship power. This is the power that students give to teachers whose relationships
they value. It stems from respect for, or liking of, the teache r. Teachers with Referent power
are trusted by students, as friends are trusted. The fifth and final power, Expert power, stems
from students’ belief that the teacher has the ability to pass on important knowledge and
skills, and they will gain somet hing valuable if they cooperate .
According to the students’ prefe rences for discipline strategie s reported above, they appear
to attribute Legitimate power to teachers, in that they expect them to take charge of student
behaviour. The presence of clear, fully explained “rules”, whic h form the basis for teachers to
make demands and follow through if students fail to comply, sup ports such an argument.
Teachers are to utilise Coercive power in the form of logical o r reasonable consequences.
Students also support the isolation of students who misbehave b ut want to minimise the
likelihood of emotional discomfort. This expressed need for cal m, reasonable teachers
provides evidence of the relevance of Referent power. Further s upport for Referent power
relates to the expressed desire b y teachers for students to hav e a voice, both individually and
as a class group. It is interesting to note that compared to el ementary teachers, secondary
teachers appear to provide less support for both Referent and R eward power while giving
greater emphasis to Legitimate and Coercive power.
Students’ perceptions of teachers’ disciplinary behaviour
In addition to investigating students’ preferences for discipli ne, Lewis and Lovegrove (1988)
also reported the results of two surveys of students’ perceptio ns of their current teachers’
disciplinary practices. The surv ey contained 39 disciplinary st rategies in one study and a
subset of 36 of these in the other. In general students report that teachers’ disciplinary
behaviour is consistent with the way they would like it to be. Teachers are seen as very
unlikely to ignore misbehaviour and tend to deal with it themse lves rather than enlisting the
aid of parents or other teachers. They are likely to explain to misbehaving students that they
and, to a lesser extent, other st udents are adversely effected by the misbehaviour. Rules are
clear but students are very unlikely to be allowed to work thes e out by themselves and they
generally have no role in determining the sanctions to be appli ed to misbehaving students.
Teachers are seen to generally target only the misbehaving stud e n t s a n d n o t i n v o l v e
“innocent bystanders”. Although they will praise the class if a ll students are behaving well,
individual students are not likely to receive recognition for b ehaving appropriately.
Inappropriate behaviour is met with explanations that focus on its disruptive nature and the
threat of being moved within or outside of the class, and deten tion. Teachers are seen as
unlikely to use more arbitrary punishments such as yard duty, a nd very unlikely to make
misbehaving students complete ex tra school‐work or to write out multiple number of lines.
In more recent research, Lewis ( 2001) reports on teachers’ clas sroom behaviour by reporting
the perceptions of 592 year 6 (elementary) students and 2938 (s econdary) students from
years 7, 9 and 11. Although data are not reported for each of 3 9 survey items describing
teachers’ disciplinary behaviour, the extent of usage of the 6 discipline strategies they assess
i s o u t l i n e d . T h e f i r s t s t r a t e g y i n d i c a t e s t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h t eachers recognized the
8 appropriate behaviour of individ ual students or the class (e.g. Rewards individual students
who behave properly). The second provides a measure of the freq uency with which teachers
punished students who misbehaved , increasing the level of punis hment if necessary (e.g.
Increases the level of punishment if a misbehaving student stop s when told, but then does it
again). Thirdly, respondents reported on whether the teacher ta lked with students to discuss
the impact of their behaviour on others, and negotiated with st udents on a one to one basis
(e.g. Gets students to change the way they behave by helping th em understand how their
behaviour affects others). The f ourth strategy focused on the e xtent to which the teacher
involved students in classroom discipline decision‐making (e.g. Organizes the class to work
out the rules for good behaviour). The fifth strategy showed wh ether the teacher hinted and
gave non‐directional descriptions of unacceptable behaviour (e. g. Describes what students
are doing wrong, and expects them to stop) and the final strate gy comprised the use of
aggressive strategies (e.g. Yells angrily at students who misbe have).
Elementary students report that their teachers very frequently hint that when students’
misbehave, allow students to have input into the definition of classroom rules, and praise and
reward both individuals and the class when students behave appr opriately. They are seen to
frequently discuss with students the impact their misbehaviour has on others (in a bid to
have them change the way they be have), and punish students who misbehave, increasing the
level of consequence if students argue or repeat the misbehavio ur. Rarely are elementary
teachers perceived to act aggre ssively by humiliating students or acting unfairly.
In contrast, secondary teachers are seen as less likely to empl oy all strategies apart from
punishment and aggression. They appear to frequently hint and p unish, only sometimes
recognise appropriate behaviour and have discussions with stude nts, and hardly ever involve
students in decision‐making or act aggressively against them. N evertheless, as reported by
Lewis (2001:312) “both primary and secondary teachers are seen, at least sometimes, to yell
angrily at students who misbehav e and to keep classes in becaus e some students misbehave.”
To investigate further the extent of perceived teacher aggressi on, data were examined for
some of the individual items comprising the aggression scale. T able 1 reports the data for the
three most commonly reported items.
Table 1. Aggression items
Items Response distributions
Nearly
Always Most of the
Time A lot of the
Time Some of the
Time Hardly Ever Never
Elementary Students
Yells angrily at students who misbehave
13 13 12 31 25 7
Makes sarcastic comments to students who misbehave
5 5 8 17 18 47
9 Response distributions
Nearly
Always Most of the
Time A lot of the
Time Some of the
Time Hardly Ever Never
Keeps the class in because some students misbehave
14 11 9 20 22 23
Puts down students who misbehave
3 5 3 8 19 63
Secondary students
Yells angrily at students who misbehave
13 12 11 26 25 13
Makes sarcastic comments to students who misbehave
9 7 8 18 23 36
Keeps the class in because some students misbehave
12 15 8 26 22 18
Puts down students who misbehave
6 5 5 13 23 49
Inspection of the data in Table 1 shows that 62% of secondary s tudents and 68% of
elementary students indicate that their teachers at least somet imes yell in anger at students
who misbehave. In addition, 42% p ercent of secondary and 35% of elementary respondents
report that their teachers at least sometimes use sarcasm, and 30% and 19% respectively
report the use of putdowns. Finally, 45% and 60% of secondary a nd elementary teachers
r e s p e c t i v e l y a r e s e e n t o a t l e a s t s o m e t i m e s k e e p t h e c l a s s i n b ecause some students
misbehave. These figures are sub stantial and a cause for concer n.
Teachers’ perceptions of teachers’ disciplinary behaviour
S t u d e n t s a r e n o t t h e o n l y o n e s t o have reported on teachers’ cl assroom disciplinary
behaviour. Australian teachers’ perceptions of the strategies t hey use to discipline students in
classrooms have also been extensi v e l y i n v e s t i g a t e d . F o r e x a m p l e O s w a l d , J o h n s o n a n d
Whitington (1997) report on the responses of a comprehensive sa mple of approximately
3400 South Australian teachers, asked to indicate which discipl ine strategies they used to
deal with student misbehaviour. The most commonly used strategi es are reported to be
reasoning with students, in and out of class, and having discus sions with the class. Almost
half of the teachers surveyed stated that they used these strat egies often. In addition, there
was a range of more interventional strategies used less frequen tly yet still often enough to be
common. These include verbal reprimand, sending a student out o f class, setting extra work,
removing privileges, giving detention or involving the students ’ parents. Compared to
elementary teachers, secondary teachers were noticeably less li kely to reason and discuss
issues with students, even though these were still their most c ommonly used strategies
(Oswald, Johnson and Whittington, 1997).
10
As indicated above, students’ data from 3430 students in 37 sch ools in Victoria have recently
been published (Lewis, 2001). In that study, the views of appro ximately 500 teachers were
also collected regarding discipline in 35 of these schools. The se views will now be considered.
The number of teachers completin g the survey ranged from 1 to 1 7 in the 19 elementary
schools and from 1 to 53 in the 18 secondary schools. This was partly due to the fact that
some schools distributed copies of the questionnaire to all tea chers whereas in others only
the teacher responsible for coor dinating the distribution of qu estionnaires to students
completed a teacher survey. In total, 145 elementary and 363 s econdary teachers completed
questionnaires. The survey provided data on the same 39 discipl inary strategies that were
given to students (refer Lewis & Lovegrove (1988) above). Each item required a response on
a 6 point scale to indicate how frequently the teacher used the particular discipline technique
“when trying to deal with misbehaviour”. The response alternati ves provided, namely Nearly
always, Most of the time, A lot of the time, Some of the time, Hardly ever and Never were
coded 6 to 1 respectively. For purposes of comparability with t he students’ results, data for
scales comprising between 2 and 6 items will be reported.
Reports for each scale, the average item mean, and where applic able, the standard deviation
of these means, Cronbach Alpha coefficient of internal consiste ncy and the number of scale
items. In addition, for each measure, the elementary teachers r eports are compared to those
of teachers in secondary schools using t‐tests for independent means. Therefore t and p
values are also reported. Because with large sample sizes even small differences are
statistically different, a conservative level of statistical si gnificance will be employed
(p<.001). As can be seen from the Cronbach alpha coefficients i n Table 2, the reliability of
each scale was acceptable although two were modest. One of thes e however (Involvement),
contained only 2 items.
Table 2: Teachers’ perceptions of their disciplinary behaviour.
Variable Elementary (N=141) Secondary(N =354 )
A v e i t e m
Mean Ave item
Std Dev Ave item
Mean Ave item
Std dev t prob alpha # of ite m
Discipline
Recognition 5.1 0.8 4.0 1.1 11.9 <.001 .83 4
Discussion 4.6 0.9 4.0 0.9 6.6 <.001 .81 4
Aggression 1.6 0.4 1.8 0.5 ‐4.8 <.001 .67 6
Punishment 3.4 1.1 3.2 1.0 1.4 .160 .81 5
Involvement 3.9 1.1 2.5 1.1 12.8 <.001 .58 2
Hint 4.5 0.9 3.9 0.9 6.1 <.001 .76 6
In general, elementary teachers’ perceptions are quite similar to those of their students. They
r e p o r t v e r y f r e q u e n t r e c o g n i t i o n a n d r e w a r d o f a p p r o p r i a t e b e h a viour, discussion with
students and hinting, and frequent student involvement in decis ion making. They punish only
a little more often than sometimes and hardly ever become aggre ssive. As can be seen by
inspection of the t values in Table 1, the most noticeable diff erences between elementary and
11 secondary teachers occur for student involvement, recognition a nd reward for good
behaviour, discussion with students aimed at exploring their re a s o n f o r b e h a v i n g
inappropriately and non‐directive hints. There is also a small but significant difference in the
perceived usage of aggression, which is seen as more likely to occur in secondary schools.
These differences in teachers’ perceptions correspond closely w ith those reported for
elementary and secondary students. It is noticeable that althou gh there is substantial
agreement between elementary stu dents’ and teachers’ perception s of classroom disciplinary
b e h a v i o u r , t h e s a m e c a n n o t b e s a i d f o r t e a c h e r s a n d s t u d e n t s i n secondary schools.
Compared to the students, secondary teachers report a more “use r‐friendly” style comprising
greater use of discussion and reward and less punishment.
As can be seen in Table 1, the mean score for the six aggressio n items indicated that these
strategies were reported as used less frequently than ‘hardly e ver’ by teachers. Similar to the
students’ responses however, inspection of individual item mean s shows that 36% of
teachers state that they at least sometimes yell in anger at mi sbehaving students and 22% at
least sometimes keep a class in when only some students misbeha ve. These proportions are
substantial. In summary, a comparison of pref erred and practiced discipline appears to show that
elementary teachers are generally acting consistently with the ideals of both students and
teachers in the area of classroom discipline. Secondary teacher s also approximate the ideal
identified by teachers and students, but with 3 areas of conten tion. First it appears that,
according to students, they fail to provide sufficient recognit ion for appropriate behaviour,
particularly to individual stude nts. This observation has been highlighted in an earlier study
which examined the disciplinary behaviour of teachers rated by students as the best they had
experienced in their 9 years of schooling (Lewis, Lovegrove & B urman, 1991), “students
indicate that good teachers should praise kids when they behave properly but in this case the
best teachers are actually seen to avoid doing so “ (p.102). Se condly secondary teachers
should provide more of a voice for students, both individually and collectively, for example, in
determining expectations for appropriate behaviour in class and , to a lesser extent, choice of
sanctions. Finally to act more in accord with perceptions of be st practice, teachers should
reduce their use of group punishments and loss of temper when h andling misbehaviour in
classrooms. In terms of the power analysis discussed earlier, t eacher aggression can be seen
to contribute towards increasing their Coercive power but reduc ing their Referent power. To
act more in accord with a conception of perceived best practice , secondary teachers would
need to increase their Reward and Referent power, while reducin g their use of the more
extreme forms of Coercive power.
Styles of discipline
In attempting to identify the real and perceived ideal classroo m discipline behaviour of
teachers it is possible to examine the results of a number of s tudies that have considered
styles of discipline rather than discipline strategies. For exa mple, as part of a large‐scale
qualitative investigation into S outh Australian teachers’ views on classroom discipline,
Johnson and Whittington (1994) i dentified 4 distinct styles of discipline. The first, the
12 Traditional style was teacher‐in‐charge. It primarily comprised establishing clear rules and a
number of escalating punishments for non‐compliance. The second was called Liberal‐
Progressive and promoted social e quality, mutual respect, share d responsibility, co‐operation
and self‐discipline. The third style involved a Socially –Criti cal Orientation, and as such saw
student disruption as reasonable resistance to oppression. The last style considered was
Laissez‐faire, which derived from the free‐choice movement with i n s c h o o l i n g . A f t e r
examining transcripts of interviews with teachers totalling 80, 000 words, Johnson and
Whittington conclude
The vast majority of teachers held either traditional or libera l progressive views of
school discipline. For secondary teachers (Yrs 8‐12), roughly 7 0% embraced mainly
traditional views of discipline while about a quarter held libe ral progressive views. The
reverse was true at the elementary level (Yrs 3‐7) with approxi mately two‐thirds of
teachers embracing liberal progressive views and 305 holding tr aditional views. At the
junior elementary level (Reception, Yr1 & Yr 2), an overwhelmin g majority of about
90% of teachers held liberal progressive views compared with ab out 10% who held
traditional views (p.271)
Research conducted by Lewis (1999) also examined perceptions of three theoretical styles of
teacher discipline. In these studies the styles of discipline w ere called Control, Management
and Influence, two of which align somewhat closely with those o f Johnson and Whittington.
The first of these three styles is Control and it corresponds t o Johnson and Whittington’s
Traditional style, with the addition of recognition for appropr iate behaviour. The remaining
two, Group Management and Influence both reside within Johnson and Whittington’s Liberal
Progressive model. In Group Management it is the teacher and students as a group w ho are responsible for the
definition of norms and the secu r i n g o f p r o ‐ s o c i a l b e h a v i o u r . W hen applying this style,
teachers organise students to make their own decisions. They ch oose to allow power to
reside with the students and themselves as a group, where all h ave equal rights to contribute
toward the determination of beha viour standards. Consequently r ules and consequences for
inappropriate behaviour are defined at classroom meetings durin g which the teacher is a
group leader, but chooses not to employ any more power to decid e classroom policy than any
other group member. Once policy is established, the teacher car ries it out. The ultimate
sanction in the group management style is to be excluded from t he group until one is willing
to behave appropriately. The Style of Influence is one that encourages students to becom e responsible for their own
behaviour. It is the teachers’ role to influence each student s o that he or she decides to
behave well. They encourage students to learn their own way of behaving with minimum
adult control, and negotiate with students on a one to one basi s, acting as an advisor or
consultant. They are careful however not to force their views o n students. Whenever possible
teachers allow students to experience the natural consequences of their behaviour, so that
they can choose to modify the way they behave.
13
In 1991, Lewis, Lovegrove and Burman reported three studies whi ch note teachers’ levels of
support for these styles of discipline, and in one of these stu dies, their perceptions regarding
the extent to which they are implementing them. In one study 74 elementary and 171
secondary teachers indicated the suitability of each of the sty les for 30 distinct classroom
management issues such as Damage to school property, Completion of homework, Physical
aggression to other students, Talking while the teacher is inst ructing the class, etc. The data
did not permit measurement of the levels of support for each st yle but did allow an indication
of the extent to which teachers wished to include the voices of students in decision‐making.
The results confirmed findings discussed above, in that “Elemen tary teachers wish to include
their grade 4‐6 students in decision‐making about classroom beh aviour, to a greater extent
than secondary teachers wish to involve year 7‐9 students” (p.2 80). In a second investigation
427 elementary and 556 secondary teachers responded to an 18 it em questionnaire designed
to assess their level of support for each of the three discipli ne styles described above, namely
control, group management and influence. Although there were s ignificant gender and year
level effects reported, the general findings show that teachers see as most ideal a style of
discipline that facilitates a sharing of decision‐making betwee n teacher and students. They
provide only a little less support for a style based on clear r ules together with recognition for
appropriate behaviour and punish ments for misbehaviour. Finally , they fail to support a
discipline style that encourages students to independently mana ge their own behaviour. The
final study of discipline styles by Lewis (1999) notes not only the level of teacher support for
each of the three discipline sty les but also the extent of thei r perceived usage. Inspection of
294 secondary teachers’ preferred styles shows that between 57 and 66 percent of
respondents wish to use each of the styles at least half of the time. However there is slight
preference for control in that 3 6 percent of teachers wish to i mplement this style at least
most of the time compared to 28 and 26 percent respectively for i n f l u e n c e a n d g r o u p
management.
When it comes to practice rather than preference, Lewis (1999) states
teachers report that they are generally using an approach to di scipline based on clear
rules, punishment for misbehaviour, and recognition and reward for good behaviour.
Seventy three percent of respondents were claiming to use a sty le of Control at least
m o s t o f t h e t i m e c o m p a r e d t o 7 p e r c e n t a n d 1 0 p e r c e n t f o r t h e s tyles of Group
management and Influence respectively.”(p.6/7)
These results appear remarkably consistent with the findings of Johnson and Whittington
quoted above. In summary the data for preferred styles and stra tegies appear consistent
across studies and over time. Preferences are for an interventi onal, assertive teacher who
allows students a communal voice when it comes to rule definiti on and a private voice when
it comes to discussing their misbehaviour in a bid to have them plan for a better future.
Nevertheless elementary and secondary teachers vary in their em phasis. Whereas
elementary teachers stress more heavily student involvement, se condary teachers emphasise
p u n i s h m e n t . I n t e r m s o f c u r r e n t p r a c t i c e , t h e d a t a f o r s t y l e s s upports the analysis of
14 strategies conducted above in showing that teacher practice is m o r e a s s e r t i v e a n d l e s s
including of students voices than is preferred practice. Second ary teachers in particular
report at most only a slight preference for Control in ideal te rms but in practice they place an
o v e r w h e l m i n g e m p h a s i s o n i t . I n s u m m a r y , t h e b a s i s o f t h e d i s c i pline implemented by
teachers appears to be a combination of Referent, Reward, Legit imate and Coercive power,
with elementary teachers emphasizing the first two powers, and secondary teachers the
latter two. Overall, when compared to the teachers’ idea of ide a l c l a s s r o o m d i s c i p l i n e
secondary teachers appear to place too much stress on Legitimat e and Coercive power and
not enough on Reward or Referent power.
Having established what discipli ne strategies are preferred and what are provided it is of
value to examine research conducted in Australia to identify th e impact teachers’ discipline
b e h a v i o u r h a s o n s t u d e n t s . T h e r a n g e o f o u t c o m e m e a s u r e s c o n s i d e r e d i n c l u d e s t u de n t
interest in the subject matter being taught, distraction from l earning, attitude to the teacher,
and the belief that the teacher’ s a c t i o n w a s j u s t i f i e d . A l l o f these variables have been
associated with perceptions of discipline and the results of re levant studies shed light on why
some classroom discipline strategies can be argued preferable t o others.
The impact of classroom discipline on students’ attitudes and responsibility.
After examining the results of 2 independent studies of student s’ reports of their teachers’
disciplinary behaviour and their attitudes to the subject taugh t by that teacher, Lewis and
Lovegrove (1988) conclude that students may become less interes ted in subjects taught by
t e a c h e r s w h o d i s p l a y a n g e r , m i s t a r g e t a n d p u n i s h i n n o c e n t s t u d e n t s , a n d d o n ’ t p r o v i d e
warnings before issuing punishments. This may occur even though the importance attached
to the subject is not affected. These results appear very consi stent with those of Fisher,
Fraser and others who in a series of studies demonstrated that students who perceived their
teachers as admonishing and strict were those with more negativ e attitudes towards the
subject being taught (for example, Fisher, Henderson & Fraser, 1997; Henderson, Fisher &
Fraser, 2000). In a more comprehensive report on the reaction of students to t heir teachers’ classroom
discipline Lewis and Lovegrove (1987b) examined t he results of 2 independent studies which
focussed directly on this issue. A total of 1065 students descr ibed their teachers’ disciplinary
behaviour and how they felt when “kids misbehave and get discip lined by the teacher”. Four
reactions were identif ied. These were students’ fear of the tea cher, attitude towards (liking
of) the teacher, distraction from schoolwork, and sympathy for the misbehaving student. On
the basis of replicated findings Lewis and Lovegrove note that professed students’ reactions
to teacher anger, mistargetting, having unclear rules, moving s tudents without a warning,
using arbitrary sanctions, and failing to recognise appropriate behaviour included distraction
from school work, less liking of the teacher and more sympathy for the miscreant. The use of
embarrassment and teacher anger also appeared to generate fear in students. In general
there was a substantial minority of students who were adversely affected by witnessing or
receiving classroom discipline. For example 35% of respondents were more than sometimes
distracted from their schoolwork as a result of disciplinary st rategies being implemented.
15 Twenty percent were made anxious to the same extent and 42% fel t less positively toward
the teacher and more sympathetic towards the miscreant when tea chers responded to
misbehaving students. These proportions are sufficiently large to indicate cause for concern.
To further investigate the relationship between discipline stra tegies and students’ reactions
t o t h e m , t h e d a t a f r o m t h e s t u d e n t s ’ r e s p o n s e s i n a n e a r l i e r s t udy (Lewis, 2001) were
au gm ented b y th e ad ditio n of t h ose of an oth er 2 259 seconda ry st udents, collected in a
subsequent study. These data were then submitted to additional analyses. In both studies,
students were asked to report how they “feel when your teacher deals with misbehaviour in
class”. To document students’ responses, a 10 item questionnair e was adapted from the one
used in the study reported earlier (Lewis & Lovegrove, 1987b) and a common 4 point
response format was adopted . Some of the 10 items comprising t he questionnaire required
students to report how often they felt distracted by their teac her’s discipline strategies (e.g.
Not able to get on with my work properly, Put off my work). Som e others focussed on how
often they felt the teacher’s behaviour was justified (e.g. The students deserved it, It was
necessary) and a third group of items assessed the students’ di slike of the teacher (e.g.
Annoyed at the teacher, Sick of the teacher picking on kids). T o respond, students indicated
whether they Nearly always, Most of the time, Some of the time, or Hardly ever or Never felt
the way described in the questionnaire item. Responses were cod ed from 4 to 1 respectively.
In total, data were an alysed from 592 students in grade 6, 1713 students in years 7 or 8, 1624
in 9 or 10 and 846 students in 11or 12. Table 3 reports the number of it ems in each scale (n), the scal es’ average item means,
standard deviations of the avera ge item means and alpha coeffic ients of internal consistency.
Table 3. Reaction to Discipline
Secondary Students (N=4183) Elementary Students (N=592)
Scale No of
Items Ave Item
Mean Ave Item
Std Dev Alpha No of
Items Ave Item
Mean Ave Item Alpha
Std Dev
Distracted 5 2.0 0.7 .82 5 2.3 0.8 .81
Action
Justified 2 2.4 0.6 .67 2 2.5 1.0 .68
Dislike
Teacher 2 2.0 1.0 .76 2 2.0 0.6 .69
These reliability data show good internal consistency for the l onger scale and although the
internal consistency figures are low for the 2 item scales it i s partly a function of small scale
length. Despite some reservations therefore, the scales were us ed to examine students’
reactions to the discipline provided by their teachers. In inte rpreting the findings it is
important to note that students who observe a teacher disciplin ing another ‘target’ student
are likely to be effected by the teacher’s behaviour. This “rip ple” effect was reported by
Kounin (1970) over 20 years ago.
16 Examination of the scale means indicates that secondary student s are, on average, more than
“some of the time” distracted by their teachers’ use of discipl ine strategies and as often feel
negatively towards the teacher when he or she deals with misbeh aviour. They are however
more than sometimes of the belief that the teachers’ interventi on was necessary. Elementary
students report about the same level of negative affect as the secondary students distraction,
but more distraction, even though they are more likely to see t he teacher’s interventions as
justified. It is of interest to recall that in the Lewis and Lo vegrove, (1987b) study which
examined year 9 students’ reaction to discipline, the proportio ns of students “more than
sometimes” distracted, seeing the teacher’s behaviour as unjust ified and feeling negative
toward the teacher were 35%, 42% and 42% respectively. The corr esponding figures for the
same year level, over 15 years later are 39%, 49% and 32%. For elementary students the
proportions are 48%, 51% and 38% respectively. Consequently the re does not appear to be a
great deal of difference in seco ndary students’ reaction to dis cipline over time, although in
more recent times, secondary teachers appear less likely to be thought of more negatively for
implementing disciplinary strategies. In general these proporti ons are very substantial and
indicate that many students are adversely affected by witnessin g or experiencing the way
their teachers handle students’ misbehaviour in classrooms.
To allow examination of the magnitude of the relationship betwe en specific discipline
strategies perceived by students, and their reactions to that t eacher’s disciplinary style, Table
3 below reports the relevant correlations. In attempting to int erpret these correlations there
was concern about the extent to which the way students were tre ated which could “colour”
not only their reactions to a te acher but also their perception s of the strategies used by that
teacher. If this “halo effect” were substantial, then there wou ld be serious questions
associated with the validity of their reports. To consider such a possibility, students’
responses to two additional quest ions on the survey were analys ed. These questions focussed
on levels of student misbehaviour. The first stated “How often do you misbehave in this
teacher’s class”, and the second “How many of the students in y our class misbehave in this
t e a c h e r ’ s l e s s o n s ? ” F o r b o t h q u e s tions, students responded by s electing one of four
alternatives. For the former question the alternatives were Alm ost never, Only a little,
Sometimes and Often. For the latter they were Hardly any or Non e, Some, Many and Nearly
all. In both cases the responses were coded from 1 to 4 respect ively.
To determine the extent to which a student’s personal treatment influenced the treatment he
o r s h e r e p o r t e d w a s p r o v i d e d t h e e n t i r e c l a s s , t h e s e t w o s e t s o f answers were cross‐
tabulated. It was observed that the sets of responses correlate d at .29 due to a tendency for
students who were more likely to misbehave being more likely to perceive misbehaviour in
their classrooms. This correlation could be due to the increase d likelihood that there is more
misbehaviour in the classes in which misbehaving students are s ituated, or it may be the
result of a “halo” effect. Neve rtheless 73 percent of the 2730 students who reported
misbehaving Almost Never, or at most Only a little, still perce ived Many or Nearly All
students in their class as misbeh aving. This indicates that the reports of the majority of
students regarding teachers’ discipline in classes were not rel ated to their own treatment for
misbehaviour but is probably a reflection of the way they saw t heir misbehaving classmates
17 treated. In summary, these data provide support for the validit y o f u s e o f s t u d e n t s ’
perceptions of their teachers’ classroom discipline strategies.
Table 4. Associations between Discipline strategies and Secondary students’ reaction to discipline
Punishment
Discussion
Recognition
Aggression
Involvement
Hinting
Dislike
Teacher .19 ‐.24 ‐.26 .51 ‐.04 ‐.07
Distracted
.18 ‐.15 ‐.15 .39 .01 ‐.01
Teacher’s
Action Justifi e.05 .24 .23 ‐.17 ‐.17 ‐.17
# of Students misbehaving .13 ‐.07 ‐.09 .29 .03 .03
Table 5. Associations between Discipline strategies and Elementary students’ reaction to discipline
Punishment
Discussion
Recognition
Aggression
Involvement
Hinting
Dislike Teacher .05 ‐.25 ‐.20 .28 ‐.18 ‐.16
Distracted
.24 ‐.01 ‐.08 .45 .01 ‐.14
Teacher’s
Action Justifi e.03 .22 .21 ‐.17 .17 .15
# of Students
misbehaving .04 ‐.00 ‐.07 .19 .02 .06
The first 3 rows of data in Tables 4 and 5, records the relatio nships between discipline
strategies and student reaction for both elementary and seconda ry teachers respectively.
Since the sample sizes were large, some correlations less than 0.1 were still statistically
significant (p<.001). However, o nly correlations 0.15 or greate r were considered sufficiently
substantial to be worthy of comme nt. Inspection of these data i ndicates that teachers who use
more punishment more often are more distracting when they respo nd to misbehaviour.
Punishment also associates with secondary students’ dislike of the teacher. For all students
Aggression has a reasonably strong association with distraction and dislike of the teacher.
Aggression also relates to stude nts’ belief that the teachers’ disciplinary actions are
unjustified. The use of recognitions and the conduct of discuss ions with students associates
with a more positive reaction towards the teacher and a greater belief that the teacher’s
interventions are necessary. For secondary students only, teach er recognition and discussion
are also related to less distraction.
Finally, greater use of both hint ing and the involvement of stu dents in decision making
surrounding classroom discipline relates to a stronger belief t hat the discipline actions taken
by the teacher are warranted. For elementary students, greater use of these two strategies is
18 also associated with a more positive attitude to the teacher. T h e s e s t r a t e g i e s a r e n o t
significantly associated with either attitude to teacher or dis traction. The results for teacher
a g g r e s s i o n a n d r e c o g n i t i o n o f a p p r o p r i a t e b e h a v i o u r g e n e r a l l y r e p l i c a t e t h e f i n d i n g s
reported earlier. As a consequence of the above analysis it may be argued that ap plication of Reward and
Referent power generally results in less distraction when teach ers deal with misbehaviour,
and more trust and liking of the teacher. Teachers who rely mor e on the use of Coercive
power on the other hand appear to be more likely to distract th eir students when they handle
misbehaviour in classrooms and also generate more negativity to wards them in secondary
schools.
Having established teachers’ gen eral patterns of classroom disc ipline, it was of interest to
examine how they discipline classes in which more children misb ehave. Consequently, the
bottom row of Tables 4 and 5 record, for elementary and seconda ry students respectively, the
correlations between the proportions of students misbehaving in a class and the extent of
usage of the various disciplinary strategies. Only two correlat ions exceeded 0.13. For all
students, Aggression correlated significantly with the perceive d misbehaviour of the class.
These data may indicate that teacher aggression promotes studen t misbehaviour, teachers
react aggressively when more stu dents misbehave, or that both o f these explanations apply.
Even though it was stated above that, in general, correlations less than 0.1 are statistically
significant but not of importanc e, there are 4 correlations bet ween disciplinary strategies and
classroom misbehaviour that defy this generalisation. The magni tude of these correlations is
small enough that they appear unimportant. However, the fact th at they are not large and not
positive is in itself very important. As indicated above, the l ast row of correlations in Tables 4
and 5 show that the number of students who misbehave in a class correlates less than 0.1
with both Discussion and Recognition in both elementary and sec ondary schools. These
findings may imply that withholding recognition and relationshi p from students stimulates
misbehaviour. Alternatively one may assume teachers adapt their choice of disciplinary
strategies to their clientele. If so, one might have hypothesis ed that with classes of students
more prone to misbehaviour, teachers would have found more need for generating Reward
power by recognising responsible behaviour, to increase its lik elihood, just as they have
found more need for Coercive power comprising punishment and ag gressive responses. It
could also be argued that the us e of aggression damages their R eferent power with students.
Finally, they fail to generate the Referent power which arises from having discussions with
misbehaving students, aimed at hearing them out while stressing c o n c e r n a b o u t t h e
damaging impact their misbehaviou r has on themselves and on oth er students.
Discussion
I n s u m m a r y o f t h e r e s e a r c h r e v i e w e d i n t h i s c h a p t e r i t c a n b e a rgued that elementary
teachers in Australia generally appear to implement their idea of best discipline practice, in
that they desire to use and are generally seen to implement a c alm style of discipline
characterised by the use of clear expectations for student beha viour, formed in part by the
19 students themselves. They then hint at, explain to, and discuss with, students the need for
appropriate behaviour. Finally they provide recognition to thos e students behaving
appropriately, and calmly punish misbehaving students. To some extent, secondary teachers also act in accordance with their own best intentions, by
characteristically explaining, warning and providing punishment s for misbehaviour. There
are however a number of noticeab le exceptions. Secondary studen ts report substantially less
access to recognition of appropri ate behaviour, and less discus sion with teachers about
misbehaviour than is desired. Both elementary and secondary stu dents also note the
likelihood of too many teachers getting angry at misbehaving st udents and yelling at them, or
punishing innocent students by keeping classes in for detention .
In trying to understand these findings, it is of value to brief ly contemplate four categories of
students who may inhabit classrooms. The first (Category A) con tains children who generally
respond appropriately to the curriculum and undertake whatever work is provided to them
by the teacher. These children usually seem to assume that the work is important enough to
attempt, and easy enough to be mastered. Such students respond to hints such as a teacher
pausing, moving closer, inspecting the child’s work or saying t hat there is a problem. The
second group of students (Category B) are less interested in th e work and/or less confident
of their ability to complete it. Consequently they are occasion ally distracted and sometimes
distracting. The behaviour of these children is often controlle d via the judicious use of
rewards and punishment. The thir d group of students (Category C ) are sufficiently difficult to
warrant sending them out of the classroom. Either they resist t he teacher’s attempts to apply
punishment, ignore the rewards, or in some other way fail to su bmit to the authority of the
teacher. However this happens only occasionally. When it does, the teacher provides an
opportunity for a “chat”. It is during this discussion that the teacher helps the student become
aware of the unreasonable, impact his or her behaviour has on t he other students. Once the
child acknowledges that his or her behaviour is a problem a pla n or contract is developed for
avoiding repetition of such unreasonable behaviour in the futur e. Although one chat will
normally not be sufficient, after a number of these chats stude nts in group C decide to act
more appropriately. The final group of students (Category D) ar e those who repeatedly
misbehave despite the use of all of the above strategies. The studies reviewed in this chapter appear to indicate that se condary teachers are very
frequently using hints and assertive strategies to respond to c lassroom misbehaviour. This is
probably because such strategies meet the needs of students in Categories A and B discussed
above and, since teachers on average report that only some of t heir students misbehave, the
students in category A and B form the majority of students in m ost classrooms. Although they
could use one‐on‐one discussions prior to giving out punishment s such as isolation and
detention, it appears that this kind of response to misbehaviou r may only be reserved for
students who are unwilling to respond to the teacher’s Legitima te power, Coercive power or
Reward power, although it needs to be noted that Reward power i s not readily offered to
individual students. When the a pplication of Legitimate, and Re ward power is ignored or
resisted, teachers appear to adopt strategies based primarily o n Referent power, and try to
change students from the inside out rather than from the outsid e in.
20
In contrast elementary teachers appear to rely more heavily on Referent and Reward power
than Coercive, and could be argued to value more highly their r elationship with students. The
greater likelihood for secondary teachers to be characterised b y less support for, and exercise
of, Referent and Reward Power has been recently noted by Hargre aves (2000). After analysis
of interviews with over 50 teachers, he states
Many elementary (primary) teache rs secure their psychic rewards by establishing close
emotional bonds or emotional understanding with their students as a foundation for
teaching and learning (p.817)
Secondary school teachers often feel not known by their student s; and their emotional
connections with them feel more distant than is true for their elementary colleagues.(p.
821)
The most likely explanation for elementary teachers’ greater re liance on Referent power
relates to differences in how elementary and secondary schools are organised. Teachers in
elementary schools are responsible for approximately 25 to 30 c hildren, and are with them
for most of the day. In contrast, secondary teachers may teach up to 200 students in a day,
seeing groups of 20 to 25 for periods of less than an hour. A second explanation, not unrelated to the first, is that teach ers in secondary schools may see
themselves as teachers of information and classes rather than t eachers of individual children.
This inference appears consistent with the outcome of an analys is of almost 200 elementary
and 100 secondary schools’ propo sed codes of conduct for studen t behaviour (Lewis, 1999b)
These findings would indicate a stereotypical distinction betwe en primary (elementary)
and secondary schools. The former appear to focus on involving, supporting and
educating the whole child while the latter emphasise more surve illance and
punishments to secure the establishment of the order necessary to facilitate the
learning of school subjects. (p. 57)
As stated earlier, one purpose of classroom discipline is to es tablish order, to permit teachers
to instruct students in the formal curriculum of the school (fo r example reading, writing and
arithmetic). A second purpose is to provide an appropriate educ ational experience to shape
the students’ values and to teach them about the rights of indi viduals, particularly individuals
in conflict. The data reviewed in this chapter tend to suggest that secondary teachers may be
providing more emphasis to the former than the latter. Such an emphasis may already be
evident during teacher training according to Wilson and Cameron (1996), who argue that
teachers in training move from a very caring perspective to a m ore managerial outlook. In
their analysis of the journals of teachers in training, these a uthors note that first year student
t e a c h e r s a r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h n o t i o n s o f r e l a t i n g t o a n d u n d e r s t a nding their students.
However, by third year, they see their students less as people and more as learners.
21 With regard to the impact of tea chers’ disciplinary strategies, it is clear from the analyses
presented above that in both elementary and secondary schools, teacher aggression and, to a
lesser extent, punishments are ineffective in fostering positiv e student affect and behaviour.
In contrast Hinting, Discussions, Recognition, and Involvement may be helpful in this regard.
Yet, more difficult students exp erience more of the former and less of the latter. It is not
surprising that students whom are subject to, or witness, more teacher aggression, or even
escalating punishment in the face of resistance, may react nega tively toward the teacher, and
be more distrustful of the teacher’s perceived intentions, as t he data in this chapter indicate.
Many senior teachers who have misbehaving students sent to them will testify that often, the
student’s genuinely held belief is that “The teacher hates me!” However, when a teacher
provides recognition and reward for appropriate behaviour (part icularly for that of difficult
students) he or she demonstrates that it is the student’s behav iour that is the focus of the
disciplinary interventions and not a dislike of the child. It i s reasonable to expect that such
teachers are more likely to be t rusted when they do need to dea l with misbehaviour.
Similarly, a teacher who talks to misbehaving students about hi s or her concern over the
impact their behaviour has on other students directly challenge s the miscreants’ hypothesis
that they, not the behaviour, ar e the target of the disciplinar y intervention. Consequently it is
to be expected that more frequent use of discussions would resu lt in a more positive student
affect. That being the case, it is problematic to note that teachers de aling with less responsible
students are not more likely (and in some cases are less likely ) to be utilizing productive
p o w e r s u c h a s R e w a r d a n d R e f e r e n t p o w e r m a n i f e s t e d i n s t r a t e g i e s such as Hinting,
Discussing, Recognizing, and Involving. It is equally problemat ic to see an increased use of
Coercive power in the form of A ggression and Punishment, given that they are at best of
limited usefulness, and at worst counterproductive in terms of the students’ attitude to the
teacher, their concentration on their work and their evaluation of the need for teacher
intervention.
If teachers are reacting to the level of responsibility display ed by students, it is possible that
when more students misbehave, teachers may become overwhelmed b y the level of activity
and consequently frustrated. Teachers with insufficient power i n the classroom may feel
confronted by their own lack of ability to ensure that all stud ents are learning and are
respectful of rights. According to the levels of aggression rep orted above, they may even
become angry and hostile towards less responsible students. The emotionality in teachers’
responses may not only be related to the number of students mis behaving but could also be
influenced by the perceived severity of the misbehaviour. For e xample, according to one of
the teachers interviewed by Hargreaves (2000), commenting on a 5 year old boy who refused
demands to go to the principal, “You can’t help but get angry a nd agitated when those kinds
of things happen” (p819). Angry or upset teachers may, as argue d by Glasser (1997), not be
interested in being reasonable towards unreasonable and disresp ectful students. They
therefore may find it unpalatabl e to recognize difficult studen ts when they act appropriately.
Rewarding “Neanderthals” for being normal may not come naturall y. Similarly they may find
22 it unpleasant and unproductive t o spend time letting such stude nts tell their side of events,
trying to get them to acknowledg e that their behaviour is unfai r and needs to change.
Possibly because of teachers’ non‐productive responses to these more difficult students,
approximately one third of the students in Australian classroom s appear more than
sometimes “distracted” when their teacher deals with misbehavio ur. As a result of
witnessing, or being the target of, such a disciplinary respons e, many also see the teacher’s
behaviour as unjustified and feel more negatively toward the te acher. The proportion of
students affected is large enough to be of concern. If teachers were more aware of the
negative impact their disciplinary behaviour has on students’ c oncentration on their school‐
work they may rate their concern about misbehaviour and classro om discipline as higher
than moderate. There are other reasons to be concerned over teachers’ relative unwillingness to use
strategies that empower students such as Discussion and Involve ment with more difficult
students. These generally relate to the educational purpose of classroom discipline discussed
earlier. Firstly, a number of ex perienced educators recommend t hese strategies as the only
effective way of producing responsible students (Metzger, 2002; Roeser, Eccles & Sameroff,
2000; Ryan & Patrick, 2001). As stated by Pastor (2002), when d etermining which discipline
strategies are most desirable, we need to note that
When we separate our approach to discipline from our principles , we influence the
ethical tone of the school community. Valuing good character an d seeking the
development of personal responsi bility determine the school’s r esponse to discipline
problems. Discipline is not primarily a matter of keeping thing s under control by
making choices for students….it is a matter of helping students learn to make good
choices and be responsible for those choices (p.657)
In discussing the alternatives fo r discipline, Maehr and Midgel ey (1991) make a similar point,
highlighting the limitations of Coercive power, in comparison t o Referent power.
Discipline procedures can reflect sheer force or attempts to de velop critical thinking
about implications of on e’s behaviour (p.412)
Metzger (2002: 657), in supportin g a recommendation for more in clusion of students’ voices,
focuses on the relevance of discipline to the development of de mocratic citizens when she
states “As we seek to prepare children to be productive citizen s of a democracy, teaching
them to understand and exercise their choices and voices become s paramount”.
Not only is the need to provide strategies that involve student s recommended by experienced
educators, so is the need to avoid aggressive disciplinary stra tegies. For example, the two
most important pieces of advice offered by Margaret Metzger (20 02), to teachers trying to
ensure the likelihood that students will remain motivated to be have responsibly are first,
don’t escalate, de‐escalate! Secondly, let students save face. Clearly both of these processes,
which would generate Referent power, are incompatible with an a ggressive teacher response
23 to misbehaviour, and may also be at variance with escalating pu nishment in the face of
resistance (especially for the more difficult children).
A second reason to ensure teachers minimise the use of aggressi ve responses towards
students is the need to provide an appropriate model for childr en. For example, according to
Fenstermacher (2001), the best way to create responsible or man nered students is to ensure
that they are around responsible teachers.
The manner of a teacher takes on particular importance, insofar as it serves as a model
for the students…..as something the student will see and believ e proper, or imitate, or
accept as a standard for h ow things will be (p.644)
Consequently, in discussing the success of a character educatio n program (Community of
caring), Jones and Stoodley note
Asking staff members to examine their own actions and their own role modelling is
what makes the program work (p.45)
The final implication of this study relates to an observation b y Roeser et al (2000),
commenting on how to facilitate the likelihood of teachers’ inc reasing their use of Referent
power while decreasing their Coe rcive power, including aggressi ve responses, even to the
most difficult of students.
Creating professional work environments where teachers feel sup ported by other
professionals and school leaders in relation to their own needs f o r c o m p e t e n c e ,
autonomy, and quality relationships is essential to their decis ion to create these
conditions for students P. 466
It may well be that in order for teachers to increase their rel iance on discipline strategies
based on Referent power and decrease their use of those reflect ing Coercive power they will
need to experience more validation and better quality relations hips with both colleagues and
administration.. The need for support for teachers attempting t o improve the effectiveness of
their professional practice is widely acknowledged (Hart et al, 1995; Punch, K.F. &
Tuetteman, E, 1996; Rogers, 1992, 2002).
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