Migration In Times Of Social And Political Transformation

Migration in Times of Social and Political Transformation

Habilitation Thesis

CONTENTS

Abstract

In the migration literature some of the main questions that developed in the past fifteen years were how to understand processes of human mobility in a context of ever-increasing global connectivity and massive social, political, and economic changes following the end of the Cold War. Such general inquiry was not answered into a single and unitary research agenda, but rather transformed into coherent sub-topics. Twenty years of vibrant scholarship resulted in a wide interdisciplinary field where a series of topics were widely discussed, such as migrant transnationalism, migration policies, migration and development. Besides, given the complexity and the dynamic of international migration, migration scholars engaged in broad debates beyond the disciplinary boundaries of the discipline with geography scholars, urban sociologists, and political scientists.

My intellectual engagement in the domain of migration and ethnic studies evolved mostly in the field of Romanian migration, one of the largest and rapidly growing migration flows in Europe. Among the topics I dealt with there are: migrant transnationalism, irregular migration, migration policies and policy impacts, and – more recently – migration and social change. I first asked how shall we understand the Romanian migration and the transnationalism/transnationality of Romanian migrants, given that these migrants are currently free movers in Europe and that this migration developed very much from a networked type of migration into a complex array of individual practices and networks? What would be the proper units of analysis and what type of methodology would require (Meeus 2010)? I therefore argued that a perspective on how social status and prestige are constructed and maintained transnationally would provide a comprehensive framework for understanding the Romanian migration. It would also provide valuable insights into how migration and migrant transnationalism evolves over the years. My approach was thus to analyze how migrants construct and valued their social statuses in a broader perspective – configurations of status – that would encompass migration policies and types of contexts of reception, migrant transnationality, and social relatedness. The approach allows incorporating individual trajectories, networks, and broader social processes into a complex research agenda.

The thesis further focuses on a second set of questions I tackled over the last years. I looked onto the migration of Romania’s ethnic minorities. Admittedly, the literature on this topic developed in the past years in relation to the very visible migration of Roma. But some other important flows were not covered adequately, in spite of the theoretical potential that such studies can bring to debates on ethnicity, citizenship, and migrant transnationalism. I therefore concentrated on the study of ethnic Germans from Romania, of Croats, of Hungarians and the Roma. In this respect in the thesis I describe some of the outcomes of my research, showing how ethnicity (as status) influences migration trajectories and migrant sociality. On the other hand, I also showed that in migration ethnicity – as relatedness and representation – is a changing social category.

One last set of questions concentrates on the effects of migration in Romania. Here the thesis encompasses both my academic achievements and future plans. I thus asked what effects migration produced on the Romanian economy and society? Given that migration is a widespread phenomenon in the Romanian society, how can we better address its effects? One answer was to focus on the relationship between migration and development, a topic that gained much prominence in the past ten years. I thus reviewed some of the most discernible effects of migration in a paper coauthored with István Horváth, where we discussed the micro and macroeconomic effects produced on migrant households and on the Romanian economy. My own research in the field focused on some case studies in urban and rural locales, where I used an actor-oriented approach (Long 2001). I published a paper on this issue and I plan to work on other publications. A related agenda is on migration and social change. Here I focused not only on how migration affects origin communities, but how did migration affect different ethnic groups and the interethnic relations between Romanians or Roma. This comparison allows me to tackle the issue of migration and inequality (even class inequality) showing the mechanisms used by the Roma to react to prevailing social hierarchies (Faist 2012). A transnational perspective of migration will thus allow me to show not only how the Roma and Romanians adapt to contexts of reception, but also what happens when they move away.

I shall conclude that my academic career focused so far on migration and ethnic studies. By the wide research perspective I employed in my research and publications, I tackled broader issues such as migration policies, differentiation theories, transnationalism and globalization, migration and societal change. In so doing I contributed not only to the debates within the field of migration studies, but also on post-socialist transformations, and ethnicity and nationalism. By the range of publications, cooperation with research centers and universities, and the projects I was involved in I aim at further advancing the development of migration scholarship in Romania.

Rezumat

Unele dintre întrebările care au animat câmpul studiilor de migrație din ultimii ani au fost legate de modalitățile prin care putem cunoaște mai bine migrația și formele de mobilitate umană în contextul creșterii nemaiîntâlnite a formelor de conectivitate globală și a schimbărilor sociale economice și politice masive care au survenit de la sfârșitul războiului rece. O atare interogație generală nu a fost analizată printr-o tematică și agendă de cercetare unitară. Mai degrabă au apărut o serie de tematici specifice. Douăzeci de ani de producție academică substanțială au produs teorii și cercetări în domeniul transnaționalismului migranților, a politicilor și efectelor politicilor de migrație, a migrației și dezvoltării. Mai mult decât atât, datorită complexității migrațiilor contemporane și a multitudinii de abordări posibile, cercetătorii migrației au părăsit granițele disciplinare ale studiilor de migrație și au interacționat adesea cu geografi, sociologi urbani și specialiști în știinte politice.

Eforturile mele intelectuale în studiul migrației și etnicității s-au concentrate asupra studierii migrației românești, una dintre cele mai mari și dinamice migrații din contextul european. Printre subiectele atinse au fost: transnaționalismul migranților, migrația iregulară, politicile de migrație și efectele acestora, și, mai recent, migrația și schimbarea socială. M-am întrebat în primul rând cum putem analiza migrația românească și transnaționalismul migranților români în contextul în care cetățenii români sunt liberi să călătorească în Uniunea Europeană, iar migrația românească a evoluat mult de la o migrație a rețelelor către forme complexe de migrație individuală și a rețelelor de migrație. Care sunt unitățile de analiză cele mai efective pentru un asemenea demers (Meeus 2010)? Am argumentat în această linie că o cercetare a statusului migranților și al prestigiului social al lor poate genera o grilă de interpretare a migrației românești. De asemenea, o atare perspectivă va putea integra cu ușusință informații legate de evoluția migrației și a transnaționalismului migranțior. Demersul meu a fost astfel să analizez construcția și valorizarea statusului social al migranților într-o perspectivă comparativă care cuprinde politici de migrație, tipuri de context de emigrare, transnaționalismul migranților și relațiile sociale ale acestora. Am reușit astfel să surprind traiectorii individuale, rețele și schimbări sociale majore într-o perspectivă de cercetare complexă.

Teza de abilitare discută în al doilea rând un set de întrebări de care m-am ocupat în ultimii ani în legătură cu migrația minorităților din România. Mai ales în contextul românesc, literatura pe acveastă temă se referă în ultimii ani mai degrabă la migrația romilor din România. Dar alte fluxuri importante de migrație nu au fost cercetate corespunzător în ciuda potențialului teoretic al lor pentru discuțiile mai generale despre cetățenie, identitate etnică și transnaționalism. În acest sens am analizat migrația germanilor din Timișoara, a croaților, a maghiarilor și romilor. O să descriu în teză cum a influențat etnicitatea migrația și socialitatea migranților în unele din aceste cazuri de migrație. Pe de altă parte am arătat faptul că etnicitatea în migrație este o categorie relațională și de reprezentare care se modifică în și prin procesele de migrație.

Un ultim set de întrebări au urmărit efectele migrației în România. Referitor la acest subiect o să discut în teză atât realizările personale cât și planurile mele de viitor. În primul rând m-am întrebat care sunt efectele migrației asupra economiei și gospodăriilor cetățenilor români. Cum putem înțelege mai bine aceste efecte ținând cont de dimensiunile foarte mari migrației românești? O alternativă a fost să analizez relația dintre migrație și dezvoltare, o temă de cercetare care a fost extrem de discutată în ultimii ani în revistele principale de migrație și în cărți apărute la edituri prestigioase din străinătate. Împreună cu István Horváth am realizat o analiză în 2009 a efectelor micro și macroeconomice asupra gospodăriilor migranților și economiei românești. Dar cercetarea mea pe această temă am realizat-o printr-o serie de cercetări de teren în contexte rurale și urbane, unde am utilizat un demers orientat către actori sociali (Long 2001). Am publicat un articol pe această temă și planific alte publicații pentru perioada viitoare. O temă de cercetare apropiată este relația dintre migrație și schimbare socială. Aici analizez nu numai cum sunt afectate comunitățile umane în urma migrației, cât mai ales care sunt efectele asupra unor grupuri etnice diferite, precum românii și romii. Această comparație îmi permite, de altfel, să discut relația dintre migrație și inegalitate (chiar inegalitate de clasă) dintre români și romi și să arăt mecanismele utilizate de romi ca reacție la ierarhiile sociale (Faist 2012). O perspectivă transnațională asupra migrației îmi oferă astfel o soluție metodologică și teoretică de a îngloba atât adaptarea migranților în contextele de emigrare, cât și ce se întâmplă în urma lor atunci când aceștia pleacă.

Aș concluziona spunând că până în present parcursul meu profesional s-a concentrat asupra studiilor etnice și de migrație. Prin perspectiva de cercetare pe care am utilizat-o în cercetările realizate și în diverse publicații, am atins subiecte generale precum politicile de migrație, teorii ale diferențierii sociale, transnaționalism și globalizare, migrație și schimbare socială. În acest fel am contribuit la dezbaterile din domeniul studiilor de migrație, a etnicității și naționalismului, dar și la analiza schimbărilor sociale post-socialiste. Prin seria de publicații, colaborări internationale cu centre de cercetare și universități, și prin proiectele pe care le-am derulat și le derulez în prezent, particip la instituționalizarea și consolidarea studiilor de migrație în România.

PART ONE: ACADEMIC AND CAREER ACHIEVEMENTS

In the past ten years I was involved in the research of the Romanian migration. My academic interests embraced four main topics: migration and migrant transnationalism; migration policies and immigrant incorporation; migration of ethnic minorities; migration, development and social change. My academic interests oriented towards analyzing migration within larger processes of social, economic and political change undergoing in Europg in Europe. I was involved in researching and publishing on the topic of migration of East-West migration, a subject of salient importance in Europe today. Most of the research I carried out was in the field of Romanian migration, at the moment, the largest East-West migration in Europe. The migrant groups I analyzed and the field sites were very diverse: I carried put research with ethnic Romanians, Germans, Croats, Roma, and Hungarians. The fieldwork sites were in Romania (Timișoara, Carașova, Borșa and Zăbala), Italy (Turin and Milan) and Germany (Nuremberg).

In the domain of migrant transnationalism and of Romanians’ migration I recently published a book entitled Romanians in Western Europe. Migration, Status Dilemmas and Transnational Connections (Lexington Books 2013). The book is the first book published in English on the topic of Romanian migration. It is a monograph where I argue that the focus on migrants’ social status is essential for understanding migration and immigrant incorporation occurring in contexts of dramatic social, economic and political changes. I showed how migrants construct social status transnationally and how certain migration policies, by providing structures of opportunities and ideologies of integration, shape their status perception. On the same topic of migrant transnationalism I published another article in the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies (2008) where I showed how Romanian migration and the transnationalism of Romanians evolved in the context of the EU accession of Romania. I also co-edited a book on the topic of World Society and transnational research. I coedited the book with former colleagues from the University of Bielefeld, where I earned my PhD. The book was entitled The Making of World Society. Perspectives from Transnational Research and it was published in 2008 by Transcript, an important publishing house in Germany. It addressed the question on how we can conceptualize society in the current context of globalization, given that today we witness the existence of new global structures and multiple forms of mobility and sociality across the borders of nation states. The book chapters tried to tackle this issue looking at diverse facets of transnationalism in the World Society, such as transnationalism and development, ITC and distance communication, migration and new identity formation.

The literature on migration policy and differential impact on migration aided my inquiries on migrant social status and sense of achievement. This came to fruition in a paper I entitled On Successfulness. How national models of migration policy shape migrant incorporation, published by the Journal of Immigrant and Refugee Studies. In the paper I analyzed how different migration policies in Italy and Germany shaped the Romanian migration and how ultimately, these policies influenced migrant incorporation, their economic and social positioning in both countries. The two countries had contrasting approaches: Italy employed a laissez-faire migration policy, while Germany a structured one. As such, they offered certain structures of opportunities to potential migrants. These policies, however, had little influence in the long run and produced unintended consequences when migrants’ expectations were not fulfilled in reality. This occurred also due to migrants’ agency that helped migrants attain their aims.

Thirdly, I approached the topic of migrating minorities in a different manner, using the theme of ethnicity and migration. I analyzed the migration of different ethnic minorities: ethnic Germans, Croats, Hungarians, and Roma. In these cases, ethnicity was used differently. In most cases ethnicity provided a certain pathway of migration: each ethnic group roughly followed different migrant trajectory: ethnic Germans moved to Germany with the full support of Germany; Croats also migrated temporarily to Croatia as ethnic Croats, but they migrated to Austria by using their ties to Austrian Croats. Hungarians too migrated to Hungary as ethnic migrants, but in contrast to both groups, they did not possess the citizenship of their Motherland. Contrasting all, Roma moved to Hungary and started practicing petty trade. Ethnicity also influenced migrant sociality; as I showed in the case of ethnic Germans in Germany, they “Romanianized” in the new context and complained of non-integration. A similar process of ethnicization occurred among the returned Roma, who tried to be recognized as Hungarians (or at least to get into a process of rapprochement to Hungarians) in the locale of origin. In all of these cases, I contended, ethnicity was a relational category.

Finally, the topic of migration, development and social change is today a very important topic in the field. Whereas the main debates on migrant transnationalism had their heyday in 2000s, the focus on migration and development is very much discussed nowadays. On this topic I carried out a research on the effects of migration in a small Romanian town. I showed how migration produced far-reaching consequences, entailing changing attitudes, lifestyles, and marriage patterns. I published in 2010 an article in Revue d’Études Comparatives Est-Ouest, a French peer-reviewed journal. I showed how migration had indeed saved local economy in a Romanian town, where the local economy collapsed after 1989. As migrant remittances provided financial means to people, it sustained small businesses preventing them from getting ruined. However, in a context of lacking local policies to react to migration and to produce development, the flow of remittances had not led to development but to increasing dependence on migration. In a different research that I conducted, consequences differed, as migration generated differentiated effects for Romanians, Hungarians, and the Roma. In this case migration produced a transformation of the local ethnic hierarchy, as far as the Roma were able to occupy center stage of the place with the support of remittances earned abroad. In this case too migration produced social change, this time in terms of changing ethnic relations and social hierarchies.

On the topic of Romanian migration I also coedited a book in 2009 in one of the main Romanian publishing houses, Polirom. The book contained a fine selection of articles, most of whom were first published in major international journals. This was the first main book in Romanian on the topic of Romanian migration. Among the authors of these articles, we succeeded in having foremost authors in migration and ethnic studies, such as Rogers Brubaker and Thomas Faist. The aim of the book was to better understand the migration from Romania, and to look at the Romanian migration from a broader theoretical perspective. Particularly on this topic of Romanian migration I also co-published (with István Horváth) an article entitled Migration and Its Effects in Romania. It was published in Southeastern Europe (Südosteuropa), a German journal dedicated to research on South Eastern Europe. The paper focused on the discernible effects of migration in Romania, and on how migration evolved after 1989. At the time of publication this was a much-needed synthesis of the state of the art on the matter.

Altogether I published a monograph, two co-edited books, and a series of articles. Seven appeared as book chapters and articles in peer-reviewed international journals. Altogether my publications and coedited works were cited 114 times in the last years. Besides these publishing activities, I reviewed articles for Romanian scientific journals, as well as for main international journals in the field of migration and ethnic studies, such as Ethnic and Racial Studies, International Migration Review, Global Networks, and Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies.

I am currently researcher at the Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities, Cluj-Napoca, and recurrent visiting professor at the Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Political Sciences and Public Administration, Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania. Over the years, I held a series of scholarships: MA scholarship at the Central European University, Budapest, Hungary (1999-2000), German Research Foundation (DFG) PhD scholarship in Bielefeld, Germany (2004-2007), Marie Curie scholarship at FIERI, Turin, Italy (2007-2008), New Europe College scholarship (2008-2009), Romanian Academy postdoctoral scholarship (2010-2012). Between 2008 and 2010 I was also member of the DFG (German Research Foundation) young researchers network “The heuristic potential of national models for the understanding and international comparison of migration and integration policies,” at the Social Science Research Center Berlin – WZB (2008-2010), Germany. In 2011 I was visiting researcher at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Ethnic and Religious Diversity in Göttingen, Germany. In 2012 I was visiting researcher at the Sociology Department of the University of Trento.

I am a member of IMISCOE – the largest European migration research network, of the Romanian Society for Cultural Anthropology, EASA – European Association of Social Anthropology, and of the Romanian Sociological Society. Over the years I participated at many conferences and workshops in Berlin, Madrid, Osnabrück, Brighton, Bielefeld, Milan, Hamburg, Florence, Brussels, Brighton, Turin, Trento, Lisbon, and so on. I also organized international conferences or panels to conferences in Bielefeld, Cluj, Warsaw and Bucharest. In July 2011 I co-organized an international summer school in Bielefeld, Germany. The summer school was organized by the University of Bielefeld, Augustana College (US), Babeș Bolyai University, and The Romanian Institute for Researches on National Minorities, both in Cluj, Romania.

Between 2010 and 2012 I coordinated a postdoctoral program in Migration, Ethnicity and Citizenship held at the Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities. We offered four positions for researchers who carried out research in the field of migration. In two of the projects researchers analyzed the migration of Roma and what effects appeared in different Romanian locales. Currently I am the director of a three-year project (2011-2014) where I look at the effects of migration in Romania and how migration affected different ethnic groups (particularly Romanians and Roma). The project is entitled Recasting Migrants’ Voices. Local perspectives on Migration, Development and Social Change in Romania PN-II-ID -PCE-2011-3-060, and it is funded by the Romanian Research Council. Within the project members of the research team carried out research in five locations in Romania: Tecuci, Zăbala, Sibiu and Turda. In three of these locations we comparatively analyzed the migration of Romanians and of Roma. In the fourth research we carried out research on the topic of return migration and how return migrants try to carve out a new economic niche by delving into second-hand businesses. In the following, I will present the main research themes I was involved in and my main publications. I will complete the first part of the thesis discussing some of my main research and academic activities.

Social Status in Transnationalism

After the end of the Cold War new patterns of migration developed and efforts were made to reconceptualize new migrations in approaches such as globalization of migration (Phizacklea 1998), feminization of migration (Castles and Miller 1993) or transnationalism (Basch, Glick-Schiller et al. 1994; Portes 1996; Portes 2001). Migrant transnationalism was a theoretical perspective initiated at the beginning of the 1990. Ever since, it changed the migration scholarship dramatically, making migrants actors involved simultaneously in two contexts – in both origin and reception societies simultaneously. If before migration scholarship focused more on contexts of reception, with the advent of transnationalism the scholarship introduces a fundamental dimension in the cross-border agency of migrants: migrants are often seen bearers of new ideologies, transferring new political ideas to the contexts of origin, making assertive claimants of rights and agency due to their transnational involvements. Migrants are inserted not only in societies of destination; they are not only subjects of policies and practices of the destination states. In contradistinction, migrants of today are commonly depicted as social agents involved in at least double locations. They create new forms of transnational connections and subjectivities called “communities without propinquity” between their origin and destination societies. In the context of substantial research on migrant transnationalism, migrants’ social status (and associated social prestige – as symbolic capital) was not addressed as an important research topic. But precisely social status, I contended, is essential in explaining migrants’ transnational practices and subjectivities. When migrants are involved in processes of sustaining social relations at home and abroad, they simultaneously construct social statuses and prestige in societies of origin and destination.

Migrants’ transnational practices were analyzed as new phenomena generated by the changes of global capital (Portes 1996). The scholarship emerged in the context of growing debates on globalization and intensification of world connectivity after the end of the Cold War. In this line of reasoning, Pries argues that migrants’ transnational activities “are preconditions for and, at the same time, sedimented outcomes of the globalization process” In this line, some authors considered migrants’ transnational practices as challenging “from below” both the global hegemony and the nation states . Other analysts claim that the present day globalization enhances transnational and global connectivity, travel, and mobility this producing new forms of transnational life and de-localized life courses. Besides, the role of migrants for their countries of origin reached ever-growing levels, overcoming the amount of ODA. This evident shift made the World Bank and governments in the Northwest to rethink their approach to development more in relation to incorporating migration as a major drive of development, of social, political and economic change .

Some authors consider that migrants play a major role in transmitting money, goods, values, normative frameworks and systems of practices . Such diffusion processes are different from globalization, where the diffusions of norms, values, and ideas are global migrants sustain transnational flows of ideas, norms and money between specific locales and countries. Therefore, migrant transnationalism, migrant linkages and their activities reflect globalization but they are more limited in scope. Besides, such flows and diffusion processes are shaped by the institutional practices of these states . But opposed to the previous periods, transnational flows and connections are enhanced by the technological advancements in communication and transport, which enable migrants to communicate and travel easily between different destinations around the world. In comparison to the late 19th century for instance, another period of intense international migration, the time and costs of travel and communication had shrunken dramatically. A travel between the United States and Europe, usually carried out by boat, is replaced nowadays by air flight; mail communication is also replaced by instant internet calls and emails. In the first round of debates on transnationalism, migrant transnationalism was heralded as a new form of migrants’ adaptation to the influence of the global capital (Portes 1996), which created new economic niches developing transnationally; yet the novelty of the phenomenon was criticized on the grounds of existing historical data: at the beginning of the 20th century, European migrants in the United States used to travel back home or return, communicated to relatives and friends by sending letters (Thomas and Znaniecki 1996; Levitt 2001). Between 1899-1952 “a full one-third of all immigrants to the United States either returned or moved on” (Guarnizo 2003: 16).

Another important topic in the debates on immigrant is on its extent, constancy, and content. Migrant transnationalism was first seen as consisting of the processes through which migrants sustain simultaneous and multistranded social relations, linking origin and destination locales and societies (Basch, Glick-Schiller et al. 1994). It was regarded as a new avenue of researching migration. It was a new agenda, differing from the previous one, when the focus was on migration and determinants of migration, respectively on migrant incorporation in receiving societies. This formula attached the attribute of “transnational” to potentially all migrants. This tendency was accused for bringing in a lack of conceptual clarity, and sampling out the dependent variable, i.e., by focusing mainly on those cases where migrant transnationalism is a defined feature of migrant groups. Authors (Portes, Guarnizo et al. 1999) thus stressed that migrant transnationalism should be understood in relation to migrants that sustain regular occupations and activities between origin and destination societies. Such is the case for instance of Latin Americans who developed businesses in small-scale transport industry and freight transport between migrants’ countries of origin and the US (idem). Other authors (Vertovec 1999) used transnationalism to refer to the ties migrants maintain to their locales of origin and to specific forms of consciousness, where migrants sustain simultaneous relations and have feelings towards (Levitt and Glick-Schiller 2006) home and abroad. Thus, these feelings, forms of inbetweenness migrants’ linkages (Mazzucato 2008; Mazzucato 2008) may define well what is today called migrant transnationalism, or migrant transnationality.

A second set of questions related to migrant transnationalism was thus related to the extend and width of these processes (Rogers 2005). There was on the one hand a tendency to describe as transnational a large set of practices and processes including migrants, non-migrants, associations and social contexts into the research and theory of migrant transnationalism. The second option was to define migrant transnationalism in relation to migrants’ regular activities and practices between the societies of origin and destination. Such perspective criticized the tendency to generalize the phenomenon of transnationalism to all migrant groups and migration contexts (Portes 2003; Waldinger 2008). In this respect, for many migrants their places of origin are very important in their lives, and they indeed maintain contacts back home via internet, telephone, and visits. But only some of them sustain regular transnational practices over time. In this sense, they are transmigrants, “persons … who live their lives across borders participating simultaneously in social relations that embed them in more than one nation-state” (Glick-Schiller 2003: 105). Determinants of migrant transnationalism can vary from one context to another. Portes for instance shows that Latin American migrants who are mostly involved in cross-border practices are usually more educated married men (Portes 2003). Migrants’ education increases the likelihood of their transnational entrepreneurship while downward assimilation reduces it. Also, migrants possessing more extensive number of social ties back home are more likely to become transmigrants.

Waldinger though questions the magnitude of present-day migrant transnationalism, essentially limiting it to the regular cross-border activities of usually legal migrants (Waldinger 2008: 9). While the positive relationship between migrants’ legal status and their transnational practices can be criticized based on evidences from Europe (Anghel 2008; Van Meeteren 2010) the period of settlement seems to have a strong influence on migrant transnationalism in the US case. Thus, the feelings towards the home country decrease with the time spent in receiving countries (Waldinger 2008). Migrants continue to remit over time, but their return intentions decrease as well as their home-attachment. Later research confirms the negative relationship between period of settlement and the intensity of home-ties (Soehl and Waldinger 2010) and again, as both authors argue, only a minority of migrants is made of transmigrants.

The expansion of migrant transnationalism agenda, in contrast, displays a different, more ambitious view. Here transnationalism is meant to encompass a variety of cross-border phenomena. It claims that migrants organize short-term or long-lasting forms of transnationalism, called transnational social spaces. These transnational social spaces or fields comprise social actors, social ties, networks, positions in networks and organizations that cut across state borders (Faist 2000). Some are only by-products of migration, but others are long-lasting (Portes, Guarnizo et al. 1999; Faist 2000). In such circumstances, transnational spaces may evolve in stages, from less organized forms, by-products of the international migration, to more coherent and institutionalized forms. As Faist showed (Faist 2000), Turkish migrants in Germany develop a strong economic, political, and cultural transnational space over a period of time encompassing three-generations. Their transnational space evolved cumulatively from one generation to the other and involved many non-migrant social actors. In the end, flourishing economic transactions, political movements and cultural dynamics developed between the two countries. Transnational studies, then, expand the focus to involve not only individual migrants and their networks, but also non-migrants, wider networks and associations in a broader social space of cross-border social action. In such a case, migrant transnationalism is a long-term process, such as the case of Indian migrants in Australia (Voigt-Graf 2005), or of Moroccan migrants in Europe (Collyer, Cherti et al. 2009). This perspective stresses that migrants’ continuous and longstanding cross-border activities are able to alter the relationships between states, citizens, and non-citizens (Bauböck 2003; Levitt and de la Dehesa 2003; Gamlen 2008) in an enduring manner. By their linkages and practices, they finally change the understanding of social space as confined to the national territory alone. As people have family members, relatives and friends living in other countries, they exchange money, goods, and information about being “here” and “there”.

Thus, migrant networks, individuals, and institutions aggregate transnational social spaces (Faist 1999; Pries 1999). They are made of dynamic processes such as transnational flows and migrants’ transnational practices, as well as social formations spanning over the borders of nation states (Faist 1999). In my research I followed Smith and Guarnizo (Smith and Guarnizo 1998) when arguing that migrants’ transnational actions are in fact double bounded in transnational spaces. On the one hand there is a grounded reality, socially constructed by migrants, while on the other hand there is the boundedness exerted by the local and national policies and practices of states and of “communities” in migrants’ origin and destination countries. When constructing and reflecting upon their social statuses, migrants make reference to this bounded reality they experience at home and abroad, and from the experiences and aspirations they derived from the positions they inhabit in these transnational spaces. The research on migrant transnationalism puts a great emphasis on individual migrants’ practices, views, and forms of relatedness. After all, more collective practices, such as the actions of home town associations (Alarcón 2002; Itzigsohn 2008), religious movements or diaspora politics do not capture the whole range of migrants’ transnational linkages and forms of simultaneity. Therefore, one needs to focus on how migrants’ social status is transnationally constructed in terms of both socio-economic attainment and as structure of feelings. The focus on social status will, conversely, require the broader perspective on transnationalism. As it may occur in many cases, migrants may not regularly maintain ties back home, but their understanding of social status and prestige can be influenced by the status they had in the locale and society of origin.

I use a definition of social status as being the position of a person or a group within the stratification system of the society. In a Weberian understanding, it is at the same time the prestige or honor a person possesses due to her position in the society or a group (Bourdieu 1984). My argument is that in migration social status and prestige change. For instance, migrants have the opportunity to value their statuses at home whenever they feel they miss it abroad. This dual construction of social status has always been at stake in the ascertaining of a new quality of transnational migration. Migrants’ status attainment is the process in which individuals attain positions in the stratified systems of origin and receiving societies (Treiman 2000: 3042). Some main indicators of status attainment are income, education and jobs. Status attainment can be realized based on inborn characteristics (such as family inheritance – ascribed status) or based on personal efforts (such as investing in education in order to attain a better socio-economic status – status achievement). In migration studies, it has been long showed that migrants’ social statuses differ in contexts of origin and destination (Epstein 1967). So far, this research agenda was not further pursued, as migration studies rather focused on analyzing migration in societies of destination (Penninx 2006). With the advent of transnationalism, scholars started to inquire more into migrants’ contexts of origin and on determinants of transnationalism, such as social status (Portes 1996; Goldring 1998; Glick-Schiller and Fouron 1999; Portes, Guarnizo et al. 1999; Portes 2001).

Max Weber (Weber 1964) considered that social prestige is social status. Society, in his view, is stratified along three principles, wealth, prestige and power. There is no necessary congruence between wealth and power, or wealth and prestige, but prestige is essential in determining ones’ own position in society and power relations. Bourdieu had a similar understanding (Bourdieu 1984); prestige (or symbolic capital) is a source of power and a principle of social differentiation. Social prestige could be negotiated at the level of a given community as reputation, which relates to the social values of a community (Wilson 1969). In the Caribbean islands, men’s reputation was based on a notion of masculinity, where men had to provide for their families and to display their manhood by confronting others (Wilson 1969: 72). In Wilson’s understanding, names and symbols concur in stressing a certain reputation, as it is with cases when children bear fathers’ names, certain wares and clothes or, as it is more recently shown in the migration scholarship, with erecting big houses and visibly displaying the wealth (Smith 1956: 137). A different understanding of prestige is not in relation to processes of social differentiation, but to equalization. Respectability is the prestige derived from obeying general norms and social orders of a specific society. To be a respected person has the meaning of following rules as the others do (Wilson 1969). Here, social prestige could be seen as “a value derived from conformity to the ideals of the total society…” (idem: 78). The difference between respectability and reputation provides a useful analytical tool in migration scholarship. In many cases migrants react to different ideologies in destination states when they are meant to comply to, and internalize ideals of desirability enshrined in policies. They may also follow local understandings of civility and social order set up by the local population (Wimmer 2004). In such understandings, prestige clearly relates to the idea of integration, when migrants are strive to be integrated, and recognized that are integrated.

Secondly, the literature recognizes that migrants tend to gain on symbolic status at home even when they may lose status abroad. Goldring discusses the case of Mexican migrants who face marginality in the United States but they gained status in their communities of origin: “transnational social communities are […] communities of meaning in which status claims are interpreted based on shared histories and understandings of practices, rituals, goods, and other status markers” (Goldring 1998: 167). A similar mechanism is in the case of migrants from Haiti, who are considered “Blacks” in the United States, but they gained much status in Haiti (Glick-Schiller and Fouron 1999). In Europe, this is the case with migrants from Ghana in Germany (Nieswand 2011) and with Moroccan migrants in Italy (Salih 2002). In this latter case, Salih discusses how Moroccan migrants optimize “their economic resources and […] capitalize on their symbolic and cultural ones” (Salih 2002: 220) by maintaining intense transnational ties to Morocco. Migrants display a certain lifestyle in Morocco but this is the reflection of a difficult life in Italy. She sees this process multifaceted, as migrants “need to reinscribe their role within the community of origin, and to differentiate themselves from those left home” (Salih 2002: 229).

Similar processes of status gain are often brought about in the literature (Massey 1987; Massey, Arango et al. 1993). It is thus considered that it reflects migrants’ home community-orientation, where the existence of a “back home” is essential. But the transnational perspective on social prestige I discussed before offers a nuanced vision, as it addresses both, migrants’ compliance to community social norms and values in contexts of reception and the construction of social status and prestige in communities of origin.

In my research I showed how this process of transnational construction of prestige occurs in two different cases: Romanian labor migrants in Italy and Romanian Germans in Germany. By analyzing such different cases I aimed to provide an analytical framework for researching other cases of East-West migration in Europe, where migrants are able to move with ease to the neighboring Western countries. The Romanian migration developed after 1990 as a highly differentiated migratory flow. Romanians moved towards the Northern America, but mostly towards the Western Europe, especially to Italy, Spain, and Germany. This migration was predated by Germany policy towards East-European Germans, and Cold-War policy of Western democracies towards East European migrants. The massively changing European context after 1990 – including the massive changes in the Eastern Europe, privatization and economic decay, followed by the accession of Central and East European countries to the EU – brought the East-West migration to high levels. In Romania, the transition to market economy and the entrance into the capitalist world order had dramatic consequences, causing unemployment and raising poverty. Simultaneously, receiving states’ policies mattered. In Germany and Hungary, co-ethnics from Romania were well received. In Western Europe (and in Israel in the 1990s) the secondary labor market always offered jobs to poorly-paid Romanians. Situation was particularly favorable in Italy and Spain which became significant immigration countries starting with the beginning of the 1990s. As migration continued to grow in Romania, it was significantly aided by the accession of Romania to the EU, which allowed Romanian citizens to travel freely to Schengen countries. Migration developed in all Romanian regions and attracted all social categories: students, professionals, rural people, as well as the deprived ones, such as the Roma. Some authors argue that the transnationalism of the Romanian migrants is very intense (Horváth and Anghel 2009), but it is incipient (Sandu 2006; Eve 2008; Cingolani 2009) and linked to individual practices (Eve 2008; Ban 2009). Some other authors argue that the migration and transnationalism of Romanians is also influenced by migration policies of Spain, Italy, and Germany (Șerban and Stoica 2007; Anghel 2009; Elrick and Ciobanu 2009), and finally by the EU policy towards Romanians – such as the granting of freedom of movement (Sandu 2006; Horváth and Anghel 2009). In such a context – the argument goes – analysis of migrants’ social status is useful in order to unfold the linkages between the migration and incorporation of Romanians, European states’ policies, and migrant transnationalism.

Accordingly, I contributed to these current debates on transnationalism with my recent book entitled: Romanians in Western Europe. Migration, Status Dilemmas and Transnational Connections, I started from a dilemma I observed in the case studies I analyzed. Ethnic Germans moved from Romania to Germany, and received favorable labor market incorporation. In contradistinction, irregular Romanians moved to Italy in the context of a laissez-faire policy of the Italian state. They made do at the margin of the Italian society first, then they were able to incorporate into the secondary sector. Over the years, ethnic Germans felt a loss of the prestige they had once in Romania, while Romanians perceived a gain of social status by investing and maintaining intense transnational connections to their town of origin.

Migrants encountered two different understandings of migration in Italy and Germany. Such differences played out in the ways in which migrants considered themselves entitled to obtain certain rights, social recognition, and a certain status. In 1990, after fifty years of Cold War between East and West, Germany had a quite developed experience of migration and a structured approach. Fearing mass migrations, it tried to control the migration from Eastern Europe (Groenendijk 1997). Yet, it continued to attract ethnic Germans from the Eastern Europe, as their migration was meant to compensate the sufferings and expulsions of East European Germans and a means to bring them back into their “Fatherland.” Thus, state institutions continued to enhance the German newcomers. The same was with the Romanian Germans from Timișoara, whose migration Germany generously supported. These Germans were received “[to live] as Germans among Germans” (Schuck and Münz 1998: 182). They intended to migrate permanently to Germany.

In contrast to Germany, Italy was tolerant towards the massive flow of irregular migrants (Zincone 2006). The country adopted a laissez-faire approach to international migration. There was no massive recruitment of labor workers in filling up the needs of the economy and labor migrants were informally recruited. Instead of such active policies, the state proceeded with legalization campaign whenever it was believed that the number of irregular migrants was too big. After 2000 major concerns emerged in relation to the growing number of irregular migrants; Italy started to structure its policy (Colombo and Sciortino 2003; Zincone 2006). In a few years, Romanians were considered “a security problem”. Migrants from Borșa, Romania, arrived irregular in Milan. In the beginning they had to adapt to the informal market in Italy; they also didn’t plan to remain there but to return. Thus, I played these two cases against each other in order to account for why migrants going irregularly to Europe felt themselves successful and satisfied with their lives, whereas migrants receiving citizenship overnight and access to the rich German labor market and welfare system, complained about their situation.

Migrants may take the social ladder “from bottom up”, as it is the case of migrants employed in unqualified jobs who have the chance to improve their socio-economic status. The brain drain migrants, in contrast, have enhanced opportunities to take on positions on the primary labor market, as it is with Romanian highly educated youngsters (Csedö 2008; Moroșanu 2011). As a third category, asylum seekers may gain a significant access to jobs upon receiving asylum recognition. One would consider that the more opportunities migrants have the better incorporated they were. But such a perspective would be at odds with the case of Romanian migration I just mentioned. Therefore, in the book I explored the various and often contradicting ways in which migrants from Romania sought to construct and value their social status. Given the great difference in these peoples’ statuses and incorporation prospects in Germany and Italy, I asked why such a puzzling situation occurred.

What made my book valuable is that, using a bottom-up approach, I explored migrants’ responses within the context of their motivations and expectations for migrating, incorporation in new societies, and maintaining transnational ties. I showed how different policies in the host-state, like those that seek to facilitate or deter migration to policies of naturalization of immigrants, often resulted in unintended consequences when the values, expectations and aspirations of migrants are taken into account. In the two cases I analyzed, migrant incorporation in Italy and Germany resulted in similar economic statuses, though migrants’ understanding of their social status widely differed. Furthermore, different transnational involvements showed how migrants sought to simultaneously construct social status at home and abroad.

The comparison of case studies of people going to Europe in entirely different migratory regimes unfolded the ways in which migrants’ socio-economic status was constructed in relation to broader socio-economic factors during processes of incorporation and maintaining transnational relations, and how migrants themselves created transnational social prestige. Thus, I sought to recast the duality of migrants’ positioning, both as subjects to states’ policies, but also as individuals actively engaged in pursuing their own interests. Building on the anthropological and sociological literature on migration and transnationalism, the book addressed core issues from the literature on migrants’ integration and integration policy. The book therefore targeted migration researchers, policy makers, civil society activists, practitioners, and the public interested in migration, social change and diversity in Europe.

Romanian migration triggered heated debates in the last years in Italy and France, as migrants from this new EU country were often considered troublemakers by national authorities and mass media in Western Europe. It was for the first time, that citizens of an EU country, were deported from Italy for security and public safety reasons. In the Introduction I first stated why it is relevant to focus on migrants’ social status and agency in the case of Romanian emigration to Italy and Germany. A transnational approach explores migrants’ transnational practices and forms of in-between-ness concerning both origin and destination societies. Alternatively, an approach focusing on migrant incorporation will recast structures of opportunities available to migrants and their agency adapting to destination societies. The focus on migrants’ social status and prestige recasts both migrant transnationalism, and the comparative effects of policies on migrants’ lives. I review debates and theories developed within the field of transnationalism studies, migration, migration policies, as well as the relevant academic debates on globalization and localization. In the end, I discuss how data was collected and used, and how I accessed the field.

In the introduction, I also discuss the topic of Romanian migration. The migrations towards Italy and Germany are put into the larger context of Romanian migration to Europe. It starts with migration during socialist times when it was severely controlled by the Romanian socialist state. It then focuses on the post-1989 migration, presenting the main periods of migration and changing decision-making contexts. Three different stages of Romanian migration are discussed. In the first stage, ethnic migration prevailed. In the second stage, between 1993 and 2002, irregular migration developed and became more structured. In 2002 Romanian citizens were allowed freedom of movement within the EU. In the third stage, Romanian migration developed as unrestrained mass-migration towards Western Europe.

The second chapter analyzes Romanian Germans’ migration after 1989, looking at how German institutions encouraged and sustained it. I analyze this migration in the context of the history of Germans from Timișoara. I also show how migration during socialism was interwoven with war consequences, processes of urbanization, and changing ethnic balance. Romanian Germans enjoyed a rather high social status in Romania and they retained high prestige even during state socialism. After 1977, they increasingly started to migrate to Germany. When state socialism collapsed in 1989, mass migration occurred. Migrants arrived in a context of shrinking benefits but were accepted in Germany and benefited from citizenship rights soon upon arrival. The chapter ends with the analysis of the ethnic Romanian women’s migration, who arrived in Germany by marrying Romanian Germans.

In chapter three I analyze migrant incorporation in Nuremberg. Drawing on the literature on social networks, migrant incorporation and social capital, I show how these migrants attained a certain socio-economic status. I first show how state institutions worked to support these new Germans’ economic participation. As a result, they benefited from educational subsidies and attained a well economic status. Over the years migrants organized in sociality networks. They complained that they lacked communication with the local Germans, and that they were often considered “Romanians”, therefore not on the same footing with the other Germans. Their response strategies, like marrying Romanian women, and rekindling their connections to Romania, would paradoxically lead them to “turning Romanian” despite their much and long cherished Germanness. Regardless of the state support, these migrants set apart from the majority population and experienced a loss in social prestige.

In the fourth chapter I discuss the transnationalism of ethnic Germans. I deal with theories of transnationalism and how they are insufficient in explaining the realities of these migrants’ lives. They did not maintain strong transnational ties back home, but over the years they still developed a weak form of transnationalism with regular visits back home. I here make a useful distinction between migrant transnationalism as recurrent practices, and as structure of feelings, showing that even when migrants do not have intense transnational linkages, transnational feelings may remain strong. Migrants’ visits back home are occasions to call back memories about their lives in Romania and eventually remake social ties. Furthermore, it is the development in their family life in Germany, their marrying Romanian women, that somewhat boosts their relations to what used to be their native places. Different from large number of studies showing migrant transnationalism as a sort of uninterrupted social practice between origin and destination societies, ethnic Germans’ transnationalism is the unintended result of an incorporation process.

The second part of the book analyzes migration from Borșa, Romania, to Milan, Italy. Chapter five in particular shows how migration evolved in different stages, and how the structural conditions in Borșa created conditions that generated a strong move of people. In the analysis I use theories of migrant networks and cumulative causation. I discuss this migration in relation to the theories of international migration, showing the uses and limits of the theory in the case of the Romanian migration. Irregular migration evolved with the expansion of migrant networks, which made migration become more structured over time. This process occurred in the context of the laissez-faire migration policy in Italy: state control was weak and irregular migrants were de facto tolerated. In 2002 Romanians were granted freedom of movement within the EU and their irregular migration went on unrestricted. The Italian laissez-faire policies, coupled with the freedom of movement policy of the EU, made possible the irregular mass migration of Romanians to Italy.

Chapter six analyzes the Romanians’ socio-economic incorporation in Milan. I use the same theoretical framework from chapter 4 but I apply it to a different context. I show how migrants used networks in order to secure their livelihoods and later to become successful. Migrant incorporation evolved in stages as they lived initially in very precarious conditions but used their social ties for finding and securing jobs. Structural changes also mattered, as Romania’s accession to the EU and the Italian regularization campaigns opened up new avenues for legalization. This chapter uses the concept of locality in order to describe both the instrumentalization of social ties among migrants, and how social relations were forged and used in specific locations in Milan. The empirical analysis shows how migrants adapted to a strong informal economy using kinship and friendship ties.

Chapter seven describes the transnationalism of Romanians as producing changes within the local hierarchies of power and social status in Borșa. I have conducted the analysis using the literature on transnationalism with a focus on social and economic remittances, development and social change. Migrants’ social status improved and they occupied a privileged position back home. Due to remittances, household economies changed, consumption modified, and people started investing their earnings in building big houses, making real state investments, and starting small businesses. They invested “back home,” thus receiving local prestige and distinguishing themselves from non-migrants. Migration is perceived locally as an emancipating process opening up new horizons to those who chose to migrate. Despite the initial irregular migration and difficult life, these migrants became successful in their origin city.

In conclusion, the analysis unfolded that notwithstanding the conditions that originated migration and the different social statuses migrants attained over the years, it was essential to learn what migrants think and feel about themselves. Migrants’ social statuses were shaped by three different processes: migrant transnationalism, migrant incorporation, different state policies and institutional working in receiving societies. In the book I have shown that migrants in Italy gained prestige at home, which was not the case for the Romanian Germans. The existence of a home community against which migrants could negotiate and construct social prestige was very important. Ethnic Germans have lost their home community, which migrated to Germany at the beginning of the 1990s. In contrast, Romanians retained their social ties to friends, family and kin members back home. Their social prestige has been built in a context where migration was positively valued and considered a desired social conduct for success and socio-cultural emancipation.

In both cases migration policies mattered, but they produced unintended consequences. The German policy had the aim of taking these people in “in order to live as Germans among Germans,” and not to “Romanianize” afterwards. In the second case, in Italy, the lack of a structured migration policy created no expectation for potential migrants. However, in spite of so different migration regimes, migrants from both groups had a relatively successful economic incorporation. Finally, migrants’ social incorporation differed. On the one hand there is the prestige loss of ethnic Germans going to Nuremberg, where, despite their access to labour market and rights, migrants felt a prejudice to the ethnic prestige that they once held in Romania. Deploring their non-integration, they eventually “Romanianized” while being in Germany. This mechanism of ethnicization appeared in relation to migrants’ perceived loss of social prestige and lack of social ties to local Germans. Despite being marginalized in Italy, Romanian migrants enhanced their agency and succeeded on the labour market. Socially, they remained a “closed” circle, however they did not complain about this situation, eventually setting up social ties to Italians.

Migration Policies and Immigrant Incorporation

Secondary to the study of migrant transnationalism I developed a strong interest in researching migration policies and immigrant incorporation processes. One of the main tenets of the research on migrant transnationalism is that the current social sciences shall overcome the limits of the methodological nationalism. As Wimmer and Glick Schiller argue (Wimmer and Glick-Schiller 2002), during the evolution of social sciences from the 19th century to the present-day period, society was conceived of as naturally “contained” within the borders of nation states. Their aim was to criticize this state of affairs and to suggest avenues for overcoming this epistemological and methodological limitation. In line with Luhmann who previously noted that the concept of society shall not be defined by membership into an idealized state (Luhmann 1997), the literature on globalization, World Society and transnationalism successfully embarked on this research agenda. The scholarship on migrant transnationalism has been successful in generating a new theoretical instrumentarium for analyzing the redefinition of social relations across the borders of nation states. New concepts are developed in order to account more fully for migrants’ crossing-border practices and forms of relatedness, such as transnational fields or spaces, transnational family (Nyberg-Sørensen 2005), global care chain (Hochschild 2001), or simultaneity of social relations (Levitt and Glick-Schiller 2006).

Furthermore, some authors call to reinterpret the role of the state in the age of globalization. They consider that nation-states are challenged “from above” by networks of global capital (Castells 1996) and by global norms of governance, and “from below” by migrant transnationalism (Portes 1996). Soysal for instance considers that migrants’ access to rights is mediated not only by citizenship and membership into a specific polity, but by international human rights regime that makes states grant rights to migrants residing within their borders (Soysal 2000). As governance and production are increasingly enacted at the global level (Sassen 2000), the leverage of states over economy and immigration is weakening (Levitt 2001). If such challenges “from above” are often dealt with in the literature on globalization (Sassen 2000), migrants challenging nation states “from below” received a more critical reception. Christian Joppke for instance expresses a strong criticism on this matter, stating that states nowadays have an increased capacity to control the cross-border mobility of people (Joppke 1998). Also, in his view, it is not that nation states subdue their migration policies and the actions therein in the face of the international human rights regime. After all, Western liberal democracies were those who created and promoted the international human rights after the Second World War. In Europe, it is the working of liberal democracies, with decisions of the court enforcing state actions and limiting states in expelling or denying the entry of unwanted immigrants (Joppke 2005). Other authors also consider that states continue to play an important role in supporting, creating and allowing migrants’ transnational linkages and practices (Levitt 2001; Waldinger 2008). Yet, states have different approaches in dealing with international migration. Origin states worldwide attempt to gain or maintain the loyalty of their diasporas (Gamlen 2008), while receiving states shape up different migration and integration policy ”models,” ultimately deciding who is entitled to get into the country, what rights migrants receive over time and what are the conditions for citizenship acquisition.

The role of state policies is highly relevant for researching migrant incorporation, as far as state policies in different states impact migrants’ lives differently, assuming assimilationist, pluralist or differential exclusionist approaches to the issues of migration and migrants’ integration (Castles 1995). Migration policies refer to the control of state borders and of migration flows by setting up categories of wished and unwished migrants; integration policies refer to what happens after migrants get into a country. They are meant to transform migrants into citizens and to set up avenues for integration, designing policies, institutions, and administrative practices to deal with migration and ethnic diversity.

States offer migrants rights and structures of opportunities during incorporation processes and generate ideologies in relation to which migrants position themselves. Some authors think of such policy models as outcomes of long-lasting historical traditions of citizenship and nationhood (Brubaker 1992). Migration and integration policy research often asks about the “models” of certain policies in liberal democracies. Some would consider that there are substantial differences, some states being more pluralist – as it is in the UK and the Netherlands – other are assimilationist – as it is in France, or differential exclusionist – as in the case of Germany (Castles 1995). Brubaker’s work on French and German nationhood and citizenship (Brubaker 1992) made a major contribution to the debate. Although his work was meant to analyze the emergence of nationhood and citizenship in France and Germany historically, the analysis easily applied for a number of contemporary situations at least in the first years when the debates on policy models boosted up. Authors following this line of reasoning believe that migration policies are “modeled” by states’ traditions of nationhood and developed institutional practices. Castles elaborates upon this theme, stressing that “beyond structural similarities, there are considerable differences in policies, attitudes and behavior towards immigrants in different countries” (Castles 1995: 293). Thus, national integration policy models incorporate political ideas and relevant institutional practices. A model implicitly combines a vision of the nation based on a certain political philosophy and policies and practices related to migrants’ integration.

On the other hand, this approach was criticized for several reasons. Some scholars contend that it oversimplifies the complexity of policy and governance domain (Bader 2007) that a number of administrative policies and measures are not influenced by historical traditions and ideologies. Other consider that a model is too static to account for the evolution of policies; besides, models reproduce ideological fictions of the past (Favell 2003) and often fail to account for the policy convergence taking place in liberal democracies (Joppke 2007). Favell for instance replaced the notion of model with that of philosophy of integration. In his view, “models of policies” are based on public discourses, which he called public philosophies. Public philosophies are not merely replicas of former understanding on citizenship or nationhood, as some authors would contend, but worked out elements of discourse about immigration and citizenship (Favell 2001). Thus, some authors reject the idea of models altogether considering that “national models no longer make sense” (Jopple 2007, 2). Other authors still find models and national modeling a useful tool for cross-national comparisons (Bader 2007). For instance, Koopmans and Statham (Koopmans and Statham 1999: 689) show that national models (or configurations of citizenship) still remain relevant, as migrants’ claims making remain couched in national terms (Kastoryano 2002). In the European context such a perspective may prove extremely relevant for comparing different polices and their outcomes in countries employing different policies.

The impact of migration policy models on migrant incorporation might be also criticized in the context of the substantial research on migrant transnationalism. As far as there is serious criticism regarding the methodological nationalism of the social sciences (Wimmer and Glick-Schiller 2002), a focus on models may be criticized as folding the real transnational involvement of migrants and the relationship between incorporation and transnationalism. Such a perspective would rather look onto how shall we fruitfully conceptualize societies in non-national terms. In this sense, one would ask how would migrant transnationalism alter the influences of national policy models? Thus, the relationships between migrant transnationalism and national policy models is even more relevant, if migrants’ transnational involvements were discussed in the context of migrants’ acquisition of rights and resources (Portes 2001; Mazzucato 2008; Waldinger 2008).

The literature on models of migration and integration policy has focused mainly on how migration policies are actually elaborated, how they change, what institutions and actors are involved in the shaping and applying of policies, very often also how migrants become legally entitled to their rights. Conversely, many scholars have analyzed different patterns of migrant incorporation in relation to their socio-economic background, inclusion into labor markets, acquisition of civic and especially of political rights. But there was not substantive research on how different policy models influence migrant incorporation comparatively. Such an argument would suggest that despite the growing policy convergence in different areas (Joppke 2007) there are still substantial differences between different European states (Castles 1995; Koopmans, Stratham et al. 2005). Differences are not just between different migration and integration policies in Germany, UK, Sweden, France, or the Netherlands, but also between older and newer countries of immigration. In the new countries of immigration from the southern Europe, migration largely developed after 1990. Very easy it reached a sizeable share of the resident population, catching-up the ratio of foreign-born population in the total resident population that is in northern European countries.

Different types of policies and opportunity structures shape the contexts of reception. Portes and Böröcz (Portes and Böröcz 1989) consider that such contexts can be categorized into advantageous, neutral, or handicapped, according to the opportunities they offer for migrants, as well as the positive, neutral, or negative public images that migrants receive. Migrant incorporation is influenced by the types of social context of the regions and countries of origin. Migrant incorporation is the process by which migrants interact and adapt to receiving societies (Glick-Schiller, Nieswand et al. 2005); it is a continuous process of interaction, adaptation and social change (Castles 2010). Migrants are involved in a process to gain a certain status in the stratified social system of the receiving society. A first theory of incorporation (called at that time integration or assimilation) was set out by Gordon already in 1964. Gordon saw immigrant incorporation as evolving in stages, from contact, to conflict and to adaptation between majority and immigrant groups. He also saw migrant incorporation ending up with assimilation into destination societies as a linear three-generational process. Despite a long history of immigration and the assumption of migrants’ assimilation, as preached by Gordon, it is common knowledge now that the contemporary American society remained highly stratified, shaped by “categorical inequality” (Massey 2007: 5-6) between different categories of people.

Migration scholarship acknowledges that migrants’ careers highly depend on their social, cultural and economic capital, as well as the inequalities they encounter (Bourdieu 1984; Portes and Böröcz 1989). Next to migration policies and the types of contexts of reception, that fundamentally shape migrants’ lives in receiving contexts, migrants’ social and economic capital highly explains migrants’ socio-economic statuses (Portes and Böröcz 1989; Faist 2000). In this respect, social resources have a strong effect on status attainment (Lin 1999: 468). Additionally, status attainment is influenced by achieved status, such as education, as it is the case for instance with highly qualified Korean migrants in the United States (Alba and Nee 1997) or Romanian migrants in Canada (Culic 2010) who attain average socio-economic status short time upon their arrival in receiving contexts. Migrants possessing high economic capital are able to set up new businesses and achieve success often becoming middlemen minorities (Portes and Böröcz 1989).

Migrants’ social capital – their capacity to invest in social ties facilitating social action – shapes migrants’ sociality upon arrival. In the general sociological literature, the use of social capital and the social network analysis applies to understand the individuals’ socio-economic status attainments (Granovetter 1973; Bourdieu 1984). The access to jobs, to housing, to different groups of friendships, and even marriage, is a result of who people socialize with. Eve for instance explains how children of southern Italians who arrived in Turin in the 1960s and 1970s occupy a disadvantaged socio-economic status because of the different patterns of socialization than the local Piemontese population.

As it has been shown in a variety of cases, migrant incorporation occurs through social networks (Massey, Goldring et al. 1994; Guilmoto and Sandron 2001; Krissman 2005; Elrick 2009; Eve 2010). Migrant networks are social capital (Massey, Arango et al. 1993: 448) which mobilizes resources in social ties. Migration scholarship shows that migrant networks sustain migration with pioneers sustaining the arrival of newcomers (Jordan and Düvell 2002; Bleahu 2004; Düvell 2005; Bleahu 2007; Kindler 2008). In different European context, migrant networks displays much diversity in relation to different access to labor markets, control and restrictive policies and effectiveness of networks (Engbersen 2001). Germany for instance is a country with stricter control and regulations (Çağlar 2001; Düvell 2005). UK is a country where the entry is very difficult, but there is a rich offer of informal work. Uses of networks also differ within national contexts. An example is with the UK, where Poles can move upward when they leave their ethnic networks, whereas Turks don’t move away from their co-ethnics, and experience not much mobility (Jordan and Düvell 2002). Italy has a sort of ‘bazaar economy’ for labor in certain places like open markets, street corners, and parks (Düvell 2005: 15). Migrants’ access to the labor market is also mediated by institutions in functionally diversified societies, especially when migrants enjoy certain legal statuses often moving away from networks of co-ethnics (Bommes and Tacke 2010).

As I showed in my research, migrant networks are not the only ways in which migrants obtain a certain social status. In the German case, there were primarily state institutions that mediated the labor incorporation of immigrants. But in this case too, migrants started to socialize in “Romanian” networks, so that the concept of migrant network was useful to describe the post-migration incorporation process, explaining why and how migrants from Romania were not interested to develop relations to the local population, eventually becoming Romanianized in Germany. In Italy in contrast, migrant network was useful in many respects. There, networks of relatives and friends were used by immigrants not only to socialize, as it happened in the German case, but mostly to obtain access and adapt to the labor market. There, migrant networks were of prime importance for migrant incorporation. In both cases, networks played an important role in which migrants related to each other. The networks’ analysis provides insightful information on migrants’ socio-economic attainment, and inquiries onto migrants’ prestige making clarify what migrants think about themselves and how they position socially “at home” and “abroad”.

On the other hand, very often in migration studies, the use the network approach led to considering networks as the sole resources of support and relatedness of migrants, often avoiding the types of relations migrants set to non-migrants. The scholarship of migration tended also to ethnicize the reality of immigrant incorporation (Glick-Schiller, Çaglar et al. 2008). The reality on the ground is that migrants set out a multiplicity of social ties both to co-ethnics, other migrants and locals (Düvell 2005). This perspective on immigrant incorporation stresses that instead of seeing migrants as ‘Indians’, ‘Turks’, or ‘Romanians’, one would better regard them as active individuals involved in creating new ties and pursuing their own personal goals, within and beyond ethnic groups and neighborhoods. Such a perspective is in fact apparent in much research; even in cases of irregular migration, when many people believe that migrants had to rely overwhelmingly on trust relations to co-ethnics, it is often unfolded that migrants establish numerous social ties to local population despite their marginal (and irregular) status. There is a high number of people in contact to irregular migrants, including those profiting from them, supporting them or just socializing with them (Jordan and Düvell 2002). Instead of situations of closure, denoting the warranty on the observance and enforcement of social norms within social groups (Portes 1998 :6), a non-ethnic (or better non-ethnicizing) approach to migrant incorporation would require an open methodology acknowledging that sociality can occur at multiple levels, such as families, villages, regions, nations, religious groups, neighborhoods, and affiliations (Faist 2007:4). An open concept of incorporation is thus needed, as migrants’ sociality and use of social ties leads seldom to a purely “social closure”.

This perspective on social incorporation was later enriched with the analysis on migrant localities. This approach came from anthropologists, who attempted to better grasp the reality of immigrants’ incorporation in full depth. This perspective stresses that migrants create a “local” in cities and villages of reception. Migrants’ sociality and their networks are embedded in, and in turn create the local reality of migrants’ lives. This perspective stresses that although migrants live transnational lives, their lives are localized in particular places: peoples’ ideas, values, norms and expectations, are created, maintained and reproduced in local social contexts. This phenomenological and relational quality of individuals to create a local, form a worldview, valorize people and the objects surrounding them is called locality. Students of migration very often show that migrants tend to meet, and socialize in particular places which very often “ethnicize”. They form new social relations. Thus, this social space encompassing particular places and a whole set of relationships and associations is a new social space people provide with meaning (Appadurai 1995; Vertovec 1999; Beaverstock 2005). Locality is multi-faceted and has multiple dimensions (Pfaff-Czarnecka 2005). It is an administrative unit as far as institutions play an important role in enabling it; it is also a representation and a space of identity formation and interpersonal relations. Sometimes, locality is associated with a particular social order. In a research in three Swiss cities, Wimmer shows how ethnicity had a secondary role to the structuring of migrants’ sociality. In these contexts, the distinctions between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ were drawn between older residents – who complied with the existing social order – and newer residents. Ethnicity and ethnic stereotyping were of course present, but played a weak role in creating divides between people. “The degree of perceived assimilability into the system of [social] order [of the neighborhood] seems to decide whether a specific group of immigrants belongs to ‘us’ or to the alien and disturbing ‘them’” (Wimmer 2004: 10). Similarly, Bauman argues against the “dominant” discourse on culture which typifies migrants in London in terms of ethnicity such as Sikh, or Turkish (Bauman 1996). He distinguishes between a “dominant” and a “demotic” discourses on culture, by “demotic” understanding “local” discourse on ethnicity and local cultural practices existing in an immigrant neighborhood in Southall. Thus, by looking at migrants’ everyday life practices and at their social ties he argues for a differentiated conception of immigrants’ culture, grounded in local everyday practices.

I addressed these issues in two publications: in the book I already mentioned in the previous section and in the paper entitled On Successfulness. How National Models of Integration Policy Influence Migrants’ Incorporation, published in the Journal of Immigrant and Refugee Studies. The paper was a shorter version of two substantive chapters in the book and focused on policies more than the books’ empirical analysis. The paper also evaluated how policy models influence migrant incorporation by studying two particular migrant groups: ethnic Germans from Romania in Germany, and Romanians in Italy. I aimed to test the usefulness of the models approach for a case of cross-national comparison. In the case of Germany, I tried to analyze the effectiveness of the country’s ethno-national model. Germany’s policy model was created to facilitate migrants’ attempts to live as Germans among Germans (Schuck and Münz 1998: 182). By contrast, Italy employed a laissez-faire policy. Romanian migration to Italy developed irregularly, with migrants legalizing their stay after a few years of residence. By comparing these two models, I looked at how did migration policies in Germany and Italy influenced the Romanian migration. I further looked at how migrants’ incorporation was realized. I finally asked how did the two migration policies and incorporation processes influence migrants’ sense of success.

Migrants from both groups became well integrated into the labor markets but the irregular migrants perceived their migration as successful. By contrast, legal migrants in Germany perceived a relative loss of prestige. In this respect, I analyzed the uses and the limits of the national models of migration and integration in these case studies. I first showed how the two national models shaped migrant incorporation, comparing migrants’ incorporation outcomes with their initial expectations. First, integration policies provide rights and opportunities that migrants can use upon their arrival in their host nation. As they are constructed according to larger philosophies of integration and to public debates on immigration and diversity, such policies shape migrants’ expectations. When migrants encounter “advantaged contexts” (Portes and Böröcz 1989), their integration claims may be more ambitious than those of people who migrate in “handicapped contexts” (idem.). But national models may have surprisingly limited impact in the long run, as migrants’ agency and adaptation to contexts of reception is fundamental in shaping social and economic incorporation. Besides, migrant transnationalism deeply influenced migrants’ sense of success. A main conclusion of the paper was that studies on migrant incorporation shall focus less squarely on the rights and opportunities accorded to migrants, but to look into their incorporation practices and the limits of migration policies during processes of incorporation.

Migration of Ethnic Minorities

In a paper in 2004, Andreas Wimmer looks into the meaning and use of ethnicity in immigration contexts (Wimmer 2004). The core argument of the paper is that ethnicity in itself is not a structuring factor of sociality and social incorporation, therefore he looks for alternative, more open concepts to deal with the multiple and often contextual and contingent relations between immigrants and the local population. Wimmer’s argument came about in a context where ethnicity was discussed as an important social category describing migrants’ sociality and interactions. Very often so far, migrants were described as “Romanians”, “Moroccans”, “Turks”, or “Poles”, for instance. But such a general ethnic labeling actually hindered the real patterns of social interaction occurring in immigrant neighborhoods (Bauman 1996). Reasoning such an argument, Kivisto and Faist consider that migrants’ sociality shall be described with open concepts, as it organizes along different principles of kinship, ethnicity, local solidarities, or neighborhood (Kivisto and Faist 2007). Ethnicity may be a principle of clustering the local society, yet this shall be not seen a general trend. This is, in other words, what Wimmer stresses in his analysis of four Swiss neighborhoods (Wimmer 2004) where migrants interact to locals and to migrants coming from other countries. Migrants start appreciating more the local “social order” than ethnicity: longer residence in a new social and cultural space reshape migrants’ sociality. This was visible in cases when new immigrants having the same ethnic background with some older residents did not sustain social relations to their co-ethnics and were evaluated in accordance to the existing social order: to keep the courtyard and place tiny and ordered. In these contexts, the local social order mediated the establishing and maintenance of multiethnic or ethnic social relations.

My research in this field does not lead towards stressing the ethnicizing theme, namely to ascertain ethnicity a general role for researching sociality within immigrant groups. I aim to look at how ethnicity influences migration and migrant incorporation. If Bauman, Faist and Wimmer concentrated on discussing about ethnicity in situ, in contexts of reception, I tended to look at how ethnicity was used as a social resource for processes of migration and migrant transnationalism.

Ethnic migration is of a special type. Ethnic migrants are privileged by reception states. These migrants are co-ethnics to titular nations of these states, so that in many cases ethnic migrants are seen as returning to their Motherlands. Brubaker considers that for some European states, ethnic migration was a means to promote ethnic homogeneity, sustained by policies acting on the basis of ethnic affinity between migrants and titular nations (Brubaker 1998). Such policies may come to the fore stronger when labor shortage occurs. The migration of ethnic minorities is not in all instances an ethnic migration. A clear distinction is between ethnic migrants and the Roma. The Romanian Roma for instance migrated as labor migrants and encountered no privileged reception on the basis of their ethnicity. But in cases of migrating minorities the distinctions between ethnic migrants and other migrants who are members of ethnic minorities are not that clear in origin areas. This may occur especially in cases of ethnic discrimination, racism, or even ethnic violence. In such cases there is more in common between ethnic migrants and other minorities, who may all be forced to flee. In the past twenty years, different ethnic groups, as the Bosnians and the Roma in the former Yugoslavia, were forced to flee their homes in search for political asylum. Such migrants were not ethnic migrants as they did not receive special treatment and extended rights in receiving states. Ethnic migrants, such as the Croats from Bosnia and Herzegovina, were wished for by the states of reception. This was also the case with ethnic Germans, Hungarians and Croats, for whom Germany, Hungary, and Croatia designed open policies of acceptance and support.

Hosting large ethnic minorities, Romania is a relatively new country of emigration, where ethnic migration occurred well before labor migration developed towards Western Europe and North America. Ethnic migration was substantial. Between 1977 and 1995 emigrated 430,000 ethnic Germans; between 1945 and 1990 there were 200,000 Jews; between 1980 and 1995 about 180,000 Hungarians. These migrations deeply influenced the ethnic landscape of Romania. Thus, the analysis of Romania’s ethnic migrations may not only be theoretically rewarding; it also describes the massive migrations of minority populations and the social and economic consequences of such exodus.

On the topic of migrating minorities my research concentrated on several case studies. I analyzed ethnic Germans who left Timișoara after 1989; ethnic Croats from Carașova who obtained Croat citizenship and started to go to work in Croatia and Austria. I also analyzed the migration of Hungarian Roma from eastern Transylvania who started practicing petty trade in Hungary and claim a Hungarian identity and social positioning in their place of origin. The first two cases are types of ethnic migrations as described by Brubaker, the third is a “disguised” ethnic migration, where the Roma ascertain for themselves a Hungarian identity and got access to the labor market and informal trade in Hungary. In the analysis I use a transnational perspective in order to look at how migrants construct ethnicity transnationally and how they relate to their origin communities. I also discussed these migrations in the contexts of migration policies of receiving states: Germany, Croatia, and Hungary, looking at the structures of opportunities offered to migrants in these three countries.

In terms of methodology I used multi-sited ethnography. The methodology gained prominence in the context of developing research on transnationalism, where migrants were seen not just inserted in reception societies, bun traveled and maintained relations between societies of origin and destination. In this light, methodology was designed to embrace both contexts of emigration and reception; the research thus aims at analyzing migrants’ transnational practices and their feelings and affiliations at home and abroad. Multi-sited ethnography attempts to deal with movements of population, goods and money taking place between different locations. One tenet of multi-sited ethnography is that classic fieldwork methodology tended to localize social relations and provided little knowledge of transnational processes and connections. On the other hand, multi-sited ethnography can be criticized for sampling out the dependent variables by focusing on cases when migration and migrant transnationalism is exemplary. In many other cases, authors argue (Falzon 2009) that migrant transnationalism is not that intense. The criticism is that such cases are chosen to fit the theory and not the other way around. Instead, localized research may produce significant research; and choosing random cases transnationalism may appear as exceptional rather than normal (Candea 2007). Such a position was consistent with studies showing that migrant transnationalism is rather an exception than a general process in contemporary migration flows (Waldinger 2008), that beyond the first generation immigrants who tend to sustain intense relations back home, many other migrants, if not the majority, do not sustain transnational practices regularly (Portes 2003; Pfaff-Czarnecka 2008). Such an approach would suggest that classic ethnographic fieldwork may still be used. On the other hand, studies among irregular migrants in the Netherlands and Belgium show that irregular migrants tend to sustain transnational connections even in situations of risks, lack of rights and deprivation (Van Meeteren 2010). Therefore, in my research I openly choose for multi-sited approach when the situation required it, but I practiced classic ethnographic methodology whenever multi-sited ethnography was not required. I used multi-sited ethnography in the case of ethnic Germans travelling to Romania, but I opted for classic methodology in the case of the Roma migration and of Croats’ migration. On the one hand fieldwork abroad was more extensive than the fieldwork in Romania. On the other hand, once having collected sufficient information, the travel to migrants could have produced information of a marginal importance for my research goals.

Ethnicity as access to migration

In the three case studies I analyzed, ethnicity enabled migration. In the case of ethnic Germans, they migrated towards Nuremberg at the beginning of the 1990s. The access to Germany was possible due to the laws on ethnic migration that facilitated the migration of ethnic Germans from the Central and Eastern Europe. After the Second World War, Germany took on the responsibility towards the East European Germans. The constitution from the 1950 stipulated the right of ethnic Germans to migrate towards Germany (Weber, Nassehi et al. 2003) and acquire German citizenship. The law was adopted because of the post-war consequences on ethnic Germans. They were often accused of collaborating to Nazi Germany; many of them were deported. 14 million people had to move elsewhere; two million lost their lives. Assuming the responsibility for the fate of these people, Germany maintained a policy of open borders for East European Germans. This policy started to change in 1993, but at that time almost all Romanian Germans were residing in Germany. After 2000, when Romania was a candidate country to the EU, ethnic Germans were not entitled anymore to receive the same preferential treatment as before. During state socialism, the law on ethnic Germans was not solely an ethnic policy; it also signaled a policy of open borders for east European migrants in the attempt to undermine the legitimacy of communist regime, and it was also a labor migration policy. But the law started to change after 1993 facing the very large waves of ethnic Germans coming from the former Soviet Union, Poland and Romania.

Migration towards Hungary had a different economic and political motivation. In comparison to Western Europe, both Hungary and Romania had weaker economies. But the Hungarian economy performed much better than the economy of Romania and earnings were significantly higher. Hungary did not adopt an open policy to bring the co-ethnics to the Motherland. Instead, it aimed at incorporating Hungarian communities from the neighboring countries into a wider cultural Hungarian nation (Fox 2007). Hungarians from Romania, the largest community of co-ethnics, received a special treatment in this sense. But the migration of Romanian Hungarians occurred on a weak labor market, where they often had to face negative stereotypes. Hungary’s migration policy was here ambiguous. On the one hand, Hungary considered the cross-border Hungarians a part of the same cultural nation, but their migration was not supported in the same manner as Germany did for ethnic Germans.

The result was that many Hungarians from Romania migrated temporary to Hungary. In one case study that I analyzed, Hungarians and Hungarian Roma from Zăbala, eastern Transylvania, started to migrate to Hungary for work. In short time some Roma became small traders in gross markets in Budapest, trading cheap goods in smaller cities and villages close to Budapest. I consider these migrants disguised ethnic migrants; despite the fact that they are not Hungarians, they may adapt to the labor market similar to ethnic migrants. Besides, they are acculturated to the Hungarian language; in censuses they appear as Hungarians and vote for the Hungarian party in Romania. They are not Hungarians but they may enjoy the same rights as Hungarians from Romania, including, recently, citizenship.

Finally, Croatia had a different approach towards ethnic migration. In 1991 Croatia declared its independence and legalized the right of all Croats to obtain Croat citizenship. This process occurred in the context of Croat-Serbian war where ethnicity became politically relevant. Ethnic cleansing produced a large number of Croat refugees from Bosnia and Serbia. The new Croat state aimed at offering a home for these people, but also to attract its global Diaspora in supporting the newly created state. Croats in Romania are a small ethnic group of about 7,000 people living in seven villages around Reșița, Western Romania. Carașova is the largest community and has about 2,500 inhabitants. Romanian Croats started to receive citizenship soon after 1991 and in a few years they started to migrate first to Croatia, as Croat citizens, and later to the Croat region of Austria, in Burgenland, to work for Austrian Croats.

The patterns of ethnic migration differed in the cases I previously discussed. Ethnic Germans from Timișoara migrated in the first months of 1990. After getting to Germany they were hosted at special receiving camps for east European Germans. After the summer of 1990, the newly arriving immigrants had to pass through an administrative process to certify their ethnicity. Due to the fact that many families were ethnically mixed, many would-be migrants had to prove their German ethnicity: knowledge of German and German descent. Once recognized of German ethnicity, these people obtained German citizenship and were helped with enrolling in a special school system for ethnic German migrants. Their qualifications in Romania were also recognized, which meant a great help for easy labor market adaptation. In the end, all migrants I interviewed were able to adapt to the rich German labor market.

Hungarian Roma employed a different migratory strategy. Prior to migration they lived segregated at the outskirts of the village in a poor Roma ghetto. During state socialism they started to be employed in state enterprises, in construction and agriculture. The fall of state socialism meant a serious blow to the community, as men lost their jobs. However, with the opening of borders towards Hungary, they started to migrate to Hungary. Initially, men worked randomly in construction, but after a few years they started to work as sellers in the Chinese market eventually ending up as small petty traders. Trade was organized by families. Goods were bought at gross markets in Budapest and sold informally. After a while, these people specialized in the trade which became very profitable. People practicing this pattern of petty trade became richer not only in comparison to the other Roma, but also in comparison to Romanians and Hungarians. Their success was facilitated by the knowledge of Hungarian and by the availability of cheap goods in different Budapest gross markets.

Croats instead used completely different migratory strategies. After the fall of state socialism they first started to go to Serbia to work as they saw their jobs vanished. The region of Reșița, where Carașova is located, was highly industrialized during socialism and many people had employment there. With the collapse of state socialism this industry collapsed and people lost their jobs. As they spoke the Serbian language, Romanian Croats were able to find employment with ease in the neighboring country. Migration to Serbia lasted only a few years, though. When Romanian Croats obtained the Croat citizenship, they reoriented towards Croatia. This happened because they started encountering difficulties in Serbia and secondly, jobs in Croatia were better rewarded as those in Serbia. As Croat citizens, these people had full access to the labor market and were supported by state institutions in their attempts to find employment. These migrants complained of no demeaning attitudes from the side of their employers or Croat colleagues. Even though they were sometimes called Romanians in a rather depreciatory manner, they reported these were rather isolated events. Furthermore, they were well treated by authorities and recollected how they had no problems at their workplaces, as they were Croat citizens. In contrast, other citizens of former Yugoslavia coming from other former Yugoslav republics, were irregular migrants. The work in construction covered households’ costs and assured certain stability in times of economic turmoil in Romania. But this migration remained temporary. As women were unable to find jobs they were forced to remain at home and take care of households and children left behind. Besides, the short distance between Romania and Croatia made the travel between Carașova and Zagreb easy.

Around 2000, the Romanian Croat Union joined activities of the Croat Diaspora, which were supported by the Croat state. A series of events involved Croat associations in Romania and Austria, ultimately strengthening the social ties between the Croats of the two countries. This opened up the chance of Romanian Croats to obtain employment in Austria; this opportunity was exploited especially by women whose work was needed in Austria. Tis time also migration was incomplete and Croat women became involved in temporary migration. As men were unable to find jobs, they replaced their wives in taking care of the households in Carașova while women became the breadwinners of their households.

Ethnicity as sociality and social identification

These cases unfold three cases where ethnicity – as sociality and identification – somehow goes differently from Wimmer’s argument. I call these cases de-ethnicization, hybrid ethnicization and ethnicization. German migrants corresponded to the de-ethnicization model. After getting to Germany and occupying well-rewarded position on the labor market, they started to socialize mainly with migrants from Romania. Over years networks of young migrant men formed: they tended to socialize among themselves. They also complained they were not considered being Germans as they claimed to be. On the other hand, they also complained for having communication difficulties with Germans due to different values and worldviews. Besides, they considered that they organize their lives different from Germans due to their migrant condition, that they had a different understanding of family. Eventually, they started to marry Romanians women a few years after their arrival in Germany. Furthermore, they strengthen their ties to Romania and have new relatives there by marrying Romanian women. They “Romanianize” in Germany: they improved the command of Romanian, started watching more the Romanian news and TV stations, and socialized in “Romanian” groups. Such a process seems paradoxical: although these people migrated to Germany and were expected to live as Germans there (Schuck and Münz 1998), these migrants “Romanianize” in Germany by socializing among migrants from Romania, marrying Romanian women, and travelling regularly to Romania. They considered themselves migrants from Romania in Germany and maintain steady contacts and connections in Romania.

The second case is even more spectacular than the first one. Hungarian Roma from Zăbala lived for centuries segregated at the outskirts of their village. Political and national discourses were pretty vivid between Romanian and Hungarians, the two main ethnic groups, which claimed the centrality of the place and legitimacy of “owning” the place. Each ethnic groups claimed they were the first who inhabited the land; this symbolic competition was constructed in the context when nationalist discourses were pretty vivid in Romania, in the first years after 1990. Hungarians thus considered they arrived a thousand years ago to defend the borders of the Hungarian Kingdom. Romanians instead claimed they were there earlier, at least a thousand years before the arrival of Hungarians. The Roma did not take part in this ideological competition. They were marginal and excluded by the non-Roma. During state socialism they obtained work through state companies as non-qualified workers. A sort of specialization also appears, as some of them start mediating work contracts for the others in agriculture and in construction for state companies in different regions of Romania. The fall of communism closed the Roma access to the labor market. Over time they started to migrate to Hungary. As I discussed before, for some of them migration to Hungary turned into a successful strategy. Initially they were utterly poor but in some years they were able to gain a certain economic state in the village. If before migration they were daily laborers or went to beg in the village, once they migrated to Hungary and started practicing petty trade, they got rich. They also bought houses in the center of the village, decorating them with local Hungarian symbols (such as wooden carved gates). For Romanians, but especially for Hungarians, the Roma enrichment and their subsequent status change is regarded as the turning upside-down of a centuries old social order. These people were initially seen as eating corpses of animals, and in a few years they exhibit the new houses they constructed. Over the years, non-Roma started to accept this situation. And the Roma the access to resources and the new status meant also the acceptance of the local ethnic order: as they are acculturated Hungarians, they continued going to Hungarian classes and identify to a Hungarian identity.

The third case study unfolds a different mechanism of ethnic change. These people had a local understanding of ethnicity: they spoke an old Croat dialect and were of Catholic faith. They initially considered themselves of being Carașovan, and not Croats. At the beginning of the 1990s they first started going to Serbia, where they understood the language. When they received Croat citizenships, and later migrated to Croatia, they started reconsidering their ethnicity into one of Carașoveni Croats. In Croatia they were often considered Romanians, as they came from Romania, but their status was of Croat citizens. This temporary migration involved most people from the village and as a result of migration no major differences appeared between different groups. The fact that migration was easy and entailed no high social costs in terms of families living apart for longer periods of time brought about a sort of positive and optimistic perspective on migration and the future. These people remained Carașoveni, Croats and Romanians, depending on the contexts of reference. Migration was not seen as a dramatic events it was rather incorporated as a normal way of life.

In these three cases I tried to show how ethnicity acts and changes through migration. I started from Wimmer’s question on what role did ethnicity play in migration. But instead at looking at the role of ethnicity in processes of incorporation, I dealt with ethnicity in relation to migration, migrant incorporation and migrant transnationalism. What came apparent was that ethnicity and sociality change, transformed through processes of ethnicization and de-ethnicization. These are related to migrants’ expectation, opportunities to socialize with locals and co-ethnics. In origin countries these are related to the new role that migrants may have in the origin communities. Thirdly, migrants may have a multiple or hybrid understanding of their ethnicity, as it is with the Romanian Croats who have a clear sense of local identity, but a multiple understanding of national identity, as they are both “Romanians” and “Croats”. They are Croats, but they are also Romanians when they are in Croatia and when are considered as such. Thus, I pointed towards two limits of Wimmer’s arguments: ethnicity shall be considered not just in contexts of reception but in relation to locales of origin, reception, and through processes of migration. Secondly, one may also look at different processes of ethnicization and de-ethnicization occurring in migration, namely to consider ethnicity as ultimately a relational and changing social category.

Migration, Development and Social Change

The growth of international migration in the past twenty years influenced discourses, policies and practices of development in underdeveloped and developing countries worldwide. It is ascertained that today remittances overcome the level of the development assistance (ODA) invested in the developing world (Vertovec 2001). According to the World Bank estimates, the level of remittances sent back to the developing countries is steadily growing (Khachani 2009): remittances reached 31.1 billion $ in 1990, 76.8 billion in 2000, and 167 billion $ in 2005 (De Haas 2008). For 2006 other authors estimate remittances of about 300 billion $ (Vertovec 2009). On this ground there is a reassertion of the nexus between migration and development. It is already common knowledge that migrants send remittances to their families and communities left behind. In this perspective, migration and migrant remittances are often considered developing factors sustaining bottom-up economic growth. Migrants are often considered bearers of new ideologies, practices, transmitter of goods, active factors sustaining grass-root globalization. Furthermore, changes brought about by migration may generate enduring social change. Romania is a good case to researching the relationship between migration, development and social change. The EU country is currently one of the main sources of East-West migrations in Europe with more than two million people involved in shorter or longer migration projects (Sandu 2006; Anghel 2013). It greatly benefited from vast flows of remittances : in 2007 alone, official remittances reached 7 billion Euros (about 9 billion $) making Romania one of the important receivers in the world (Horváth and Anghel 2009).

As a matter of fact the optimistic view announced by the World Bank is not at all general. As Portes mentions, there are optimist and pessimist accounts concerning the effects of migration on economic development (Portes 2009). Pessimists consider that migration is not a solution to the problem of underdevelopment, but a cause of its perpetuation, since it depopulates entire regions of its best labor force and turns producers into renters (Delgado Wise and Covarrubias 2007; Portes 2009:6). Such authors mention that remittances are invested into consumption and non-productive goods (such as houses) not leading to productive investment and further economic development (De Haas 2008). At a macro level, authors argue that states are structurally dependent on migration (Castles 2004). Emigration states have seen the lowering of their currency deficits and their social and unemployment problems solved by migration and migrants’ remittances. In many countries, such as those from Central America for instance, remittances represent large shares of the GDP (Vertovec 2009). Also, immigration countries could fill the labor demand by the arrival of new migrant workers. In the short run, this situation provides optimism for both sides. However, as pessimists argue, the effects of permanent out-migration could be negative for the emigration countries because of the emptying of migrants’ origin regions of their labor force: “in the end, there will be a few people to send remittances to and nowhere to make productive investments” (Portes 2009).

On the other hand, the new economics of labor migration authors share a more optimistic view and argue that migration decisions are taken at the level of households. Migration is one of the strategies employed in order to differentiate the households’ risks and the end goal of migration is not migrants’ settling abroad, but alleviating the situation of those left home (idem : 40). Migration also provides investment capital which is needed in countries with higher investment risks, and remittances spent on consumption have multiplier effects in the economy (De Haas 2009).

Studies on migration and social change are less clear-cut than studies on migration and development. Whereas the latter envisage development as a goal of migration, research on social change is looking more into certain processes of change wrought by migration without aspiring towards certain end goals. In this field, my previous and current research looked onto the issue of migration and changing ethnic relations in Romanian multiethnic communities. Research on effects of migration has shown that migrant remittances play a crucial role for migrant communities and households (Portes 2009). This was often discussed in the migration literature when dealing for instance with the motivations for out-migration or with the nexus between migration and development. There is a wide agreement that flows of remittances shape peoples’ expectations and live plans in societies of origin (Massey, Goldring et al. 1994; Kandel and Massey 2002; Cohen 2004). It is often conceived that remittances represent migrants’ moral obligations towards families and communities of origin. Remittances also are able to influence social relations in large extent. As Gallo shows in Kerala, India, remittances were first used by elites for their politics of identity. With the diversification of migration, members of lower castes started to migrate to Gulf countries. Their income increased and men were able to cross the caste divide by marrying women from the higher caste (Gallo 2013). In the US-Mexico context, the flourishing of home town associations maintained by emigrants abroad (Alarcón 2002) express obligations and solidarity towards relatives and communities left behind. But there is an important tension between migrants’ obligations towards families and communities of origin and processes of emancipation and individualization that they often express (Boccagni and Decimo 2013). Migrants tend also to emulate Western-type of consumption when they travel back (Salih 2003) in the attempt to differentiate themselves from those left behind (Wilson 1969; Osella and Osella 2000).

Some proponents of transnationalism argue that migrants transfer to their communities of origin not only money as remittances, but also new ideas, practices, systems of practice, and social capital. Usually coined as social remittances, these transfers may have significant impact on communities and regions of origin (Levitt 1998; Levitt 2001). Visible effects of social remittances were discernible especially within family life, as gender norms and family relations are often changed by migration (Boccagni and Decimo 2013; Vianello 2013). In many contexts migrant women express feelings of emancipation through migration, as it happened to Bangladeshi women in Malaysia (Dannecker 2005) or with Romanian women in Italy (Vlase 2013). In such cases they may start renegotiating gender relation within their families. But very often too, especially when they return, they have to comply to the unequal gender relations at home (Vlase 2013). Albanian women for instance were even denied an official role within households and their remittances were pejoratively called coffee-money (King, Castaldo et al. 2011). These cases show that despite changes in families, there was little social change in origin communities. Such processes are neither equivocal nor general. In cases of men migration remittances would enhance gender hierarchy by expressing publicly migrants’ masculinity (Wilson 1969). But in other cases of men migration gender hierarchy was changing. In Ecuador (Mata-Codesal 2013) the labor migration of men changed the attitudes towards education in the direction that men preferred migrating, while women continued going to school; the end result was a general acceptance of women being more educated than men.

In all these cases, it is yet not clear how much social change was produced by migration. Using a maximal definition of social change – as change of the basic value system and class structure of a given society – Portes contends that the “effects [of migration] may simply scratch the surface of society, effecting some economic organizations, role expectations, and norms.” (Portes 2010) Castles (Castles 2010) however, expresses quite an opposite view. Migration not only produces social change, but it is part and parcel of wider processes of societal transformation. For him, migration researchers shall analyze social change while embracing theories of differentiation and social order (idem).

I carried out research on this topic in two Romanian locales: a Romanian (almost) homogeneous community, and a multiethnic community, both located in Transylvania. My research in this field focused on two points. In the first fieldwork I analyzed the relationship between migration and development from an actor-oriented perspective. In the second case I used the notion of cultural compromise in order to measure the magnitude and effectiveness of social change. In order to conduct the analysis, I weighed both the positive and the negative effects of migration. In the first case, in Borșa, Romania, migration oriented mainly towards Italy. There, a series of social and cultural changes appeared: changes in consumption patterns, new marriage practices, social differentiation between migrants and non-migrants. In order to discern the multitude of actors involved in changing the local economy, I used the actor perspective of Norman Long (Long 2001), favoring the analysis of social actors and institutions involved in development processes. Such processes usually take place in certain arenas, conceived as places or situations where social actors negotiate themes, resources, values and representations concerning development projects. Social arenas are thus spatial or social locations where social actors confront to each other, mobilize their social resources and discourses and cultural artifacts in order to attain some ends. Thus, this actor perspective allowed a nuanced approach: instead of a general view I looked at different actors acting on the local level.

A second research project I carried pout on the relationship between migration and ethnic relations. The community consists of three ethnic groups: Hungarians, forming the majority, Romanians and the Roma. Members of all three groups migrated towards different destinations and use to return to their community. In order to look at the change of social and ethnic relations I used a perspective inspired by Glick Schiller and Faist (Glick-Schiller and Faist 2009), where migration is a major force in reshaping social and political formations. Using the theory of cultural compromise developed by Wimmer (Wimmer 2002) I asked if migration produces a transformation of ethnic relations. The theory builds upon the habitus theory of Bourdieu, where habitus is a system of dispositions determining social action, perceptions and interpretation. It is a repertoire of strategies of action and cognitive patterns (Wimmer 2002: 27). The notion of cultural compromise stands on the premise that groups of people and communities articulate notions of social order, based on individual, group or community habitus. Individuals are able to recognize and negotiate meanings and worldviews they feel congruent to their strategic longer-term interests. Wimmer considers that such culturally –defined social order is not about “internal culture, but of collective norms, social classification and worldview patterns” (Wimmer 2002: 28). As it is related to individuals’ longer-term interests, a cultural compromise – or a negotiated social order – usually lasts beyond the process of its production; it bears moral predicaments and entails fundamental values of a society or group, such as particular understandings of desirability and worthiness. Through social interaction, such schemes of meaning may change through various mechanisms (Wimmer 2004). In interethnic contexts, ethnic boundaries-making, social closure, and the distinctions between “us” and “them” are based on understandings of social order (idem). In the research I first looked at the local hierarchy, and at the relations between Hungarians, Romanians, and the Roma, the three main ethnic groups. I then analyzed migration and the social change wrought by migration. Thus members of the three ethnic groups used to practice pretty distinct migrations. For more than twenty years, Hungarians migrated to Hungary for work. Romanians migrated to Italy and later to Germany, while the Roma migrated first to Hungary and specialized in petty trade. Later on, they started to practice petty trade in different other countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The effects of migration were pretty uneven. Whereas Hungarians were able to cover the living costs and invest in their households, Romanians had at disposal larger remittances and could invest more in their houses. Roma became a dynamic group: a group of Roma became rich. Initially the whole group lived at the outskirts of the village in the Gypsy ghetto. With the onset of migration, some of them became richer: they were able to challenge the existing ethnic hierarchy. Yet, the effects of this migration were not as deep: in the end, the Roma were not able to change the local social order. Quite the contrary, their merits and gain from migration – as there were their trading abilities – were considered demeaning on the basis of the local social order, preaching for organized spirit and hard work.

The outcomes of these two researches came in two papers. The first is entitled La migration internationale: panacée ou entrave au développement local ? Etude du changement social récent dans une ville roumaine de forte émigration. It was published in a French peer-reviewed journal entitled Revue d’Études Comparatives Est-Ouest. The second is entitled Changing Inequalities and Ethnic Relations: Effects of Migration in a Romanian Multiethnic Community and it is under submission to an international peer-review journal.

Romanian Migration

After 1989 a few million East Europeans migrated to Western Europe. The arrival of many East Europeans, with Romanians among the largest migrant groups in Europe, rejuvenated public concerns on immigration in some Western European countries. Led by the liberalization of border regimes and the massive economic and political changes in Eastern Europe, human mobility increased and became a permanent feature of the post-Cold War Europe. Furthermore, the changes brought about by the EU enlargement process took the East-West mobility at its heights. A massive flow of migrant workers to the united Europe posed new challenges for both East, and West European states. Romanian migration has been one of the largest and most rapidly growing in Europe in the past years, as well as one of the most socially problematic, as migrants from this new EU country were often considered troublemakers by national authorities and mass media. In Italy for example, it stirred up a concern that authorities have to deal with difficult situations posed by uncontrolled mass migration (Colombo and Sciortino 2003). For the first time EU citizens, here Romanians, were deported from the country for security and public safety reasons. Yet, as EU citizens, Romanians were provided special rights, including freedom of movement within the EU, political and welfare benefits, which rendered the expulsions and migration control measures wearing but futile.

This situation grew up progressively with the steep development of migration from Romania. The country actually registers as experiencing significant migration since 1990, and generating diversified effects on the Romanian society. Romanian migration is characterized by a high degree of self-organization, seeing changing causes and patterns of organization in some distinct periods after 1990. The first period, from 1990 to 1993, is characterized by migration to Germany with additional migration of Romanians heading toward a host of European countries, followed by a relatively stable period. After 1997, migration was caused by massive restructuring of the Romanian economy, which forced unemployed Romanians to migrate irregularly. After 2002, the pattern of Romanian migration altered yet again, as citizens of Romania were allowed to travel to EU countries without restrictions. Consequently, levels of migration increased massively. After 2007, Romanians benefited from EU accession. Accordingly, there were diverse consequences of this movement of migrants, including a significant in-flow of remittances, and measurable effects on the labor market that implied reorganization of households and of gender relations.

After 1990 the Romanian migration to Europe was highly diversified. Germany represented at the beginning of the 1990s the main target-country of the Romanian migration for ethnic Germans and asylum seekers. After 1993 Romanian migration to Germany dropped significantly. Due to the large number of migrants who arrived in Germany between 1980 and 1993, Germany remained the main entry point for Romanians migrating to Europe throughout the 1990s. About 500,000 migrants from Romania settled in Germany and the number of tourist visas issued from Germany (180,000 visas a year) far exceeded the number granted by all other European countries all together (Diminescu 2003). Afterwards Romanian migration became mostly irregular, with migrants starting to move towards different European countries. Data emerging from a number of case studies show migrants’ attempts to adapt to different labor markets in Western Europe and to find permissive contexts. The Romanian migration to Europe shows that in broad lines migration was not mainly caused by supply factors in the origin country, but rather by a complex combination of demand and supply with an increasing importance of the labor demand factors. This argument is less clear in the case of Romanian migration to Germany, where the political factors were important in selecting the ethnic Germans and sending back a large number of asylum seekers. But migration perpetuated when other European markets demanded workforce. It was implicit in the Italian and Spanish cases, where the demand on the informal labor market pulled irregular migration greatly.

After 1989 there were thus a few distinct periods of Romanian migration (Baldwin – Edwards 2007:2): (a) 1990 to 1993, there was a period with intense ethnic, and asylum seekers’ migration; pioneers of migration started traveling to different European destinations; (b) between 1994 to 1996, there was little labor migration, ethnic migration of Hungarians and asylum seekers; (c) between 1997 and 2001, there was growing circular migration, irregular migration and growing human trafficking; moreover, from 1999 there appeared small recruitment policies (especially for Spain and Germany); (d) after 2002, Romanians obtained the right to enter the European Union without visas; (e) in 2007 Romania became EU member state.

The period between 1990 and 1993 was marked by migration to Germany as discussed previously. Additionally, ethnic migration continued through the migration of Hungarians to Hungary. There were two main flows in this migration process: there was a permanent migration (Veres 2002) and a temporary, shuttle migration (Fox 2007). In opposition to the German case, “Hungary [was] not committed to allowing the immigration of co-ethnics [from] the neighboring states” (Brubaker 1998: 1995). Instead, it encouraged them to express their ethnicities in the countries of origin and to incorporate them into a greater cross-border cultural nation of Hungarians (Fox 2007). The result was a cleavage between those incorporated in the primary labor market in Hungary and those employed in the secondary labor market (Gödri and Tóth 2005) who started to shuttle between Hungary and Romania. Excluded economically, these Transylvanian Hungarians employed in the secondary labor market experienced national disunity (Fox 2007).

Furthermore, other forms of international mobility were now emerging, such as petty trade to former Yugoslavia, Turkey, Poland, and Hungary. Petty traders were among the first in Romania to experience international mobility, and to look internationally for alternative economic niches while maintaining their residence in Romania. Their practices expanded afterwards and many become pioneers of migration (Diminescu 2003). Before 1989 workers were also recruited by the agencies of the socialist state to work abroad. Some of them also became pioneers of migration towards Western Europe. For instance, migration from Dobrotești (south Romania) was initiated during socialism. Villagers were recruited by a state-owned agency in Bucharest within the framework of economic agreements with several Arab countries such as Libya, Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Egypt (Șerban and Grigoraș 2000). Incidentally, many of them were members of the Adventist Church who had an increasing positive perception of international migration, and who used the network of Adventist believers to move abroad and establish migration routes. They were bricklayers and carpenters and soon found employment in the labor market in Spain. Afterwards, the Orthodox believers started to migrate also, helped by Adventist relatives.

Ethnic and religious communities were the most mobile groups at the beginning of the 1990s. Hungarians were moving to Hungary, Germans moved to Germany, Roma from the former German areas of Romania tended to move to Germany (Sandu 2005: 571) and request political asylum there. Germany was a transit country for Romanians going to Spain or to other European destinations (Bleahu 2004; Cingolani and Piperno 2006; Anghel 2008). For many Romanians, this phase represented the first way out of Romania, a country who severely restricted the exit of its citizens towards Europe for about 50 years of state socialism (Diminescu, Ohliger et al. 2003). The migration of these pioneers led to the gradual establishing of migration routes (Stan 2005; Cingolani and Piperno 2006; Anghel 2008).

A different stage in the development of the Romanian migration was from 1993 to 1996. Migration was low but diversified: there were seasonal migrants, circular (shuttle) migrants, brain drain (mostly students), ethnic migrants, marriage migrants, disguised tourists, and so on. The Catholic Church and the neo-Protestant churches played an important role in initiating and perpetuating migration in the 1990s. Catholic confidants from Moldova started to migrate to Italy (Sandu 2000), while neo-protestants were helped by religious organizations to move to Germany, and Spain (Șerban and Grigoraș 2000; Radu 2001).

Migration from cities in Romania is not sufficiently covered in the literature, but the studies on brain drain (Nedelcu 2000; Ferro 2004; Csedö 2008) argue that these migrations were rather realized essentially as individual projects. Moreover, looking at the urban migration from Romania, Potot stresses the importance of the individual decision making of young city dwellers going to Nice and London in 1994-1995 (Potot 2003). She shows how migrants from the city of Târgoviște had actually short migration projects in mind, with the aim of returning and opening small businesses in Bucharest. These migrants moved to France asking for political asylum and later earning their living from selling newspapers. Furthermore, Potot also points to the differences between the urban and the rural migration from Romania, claiming that migrants coming from cities were more mobile (Potot 2000). They were first moving to one country, and afterwards they could move again to another country. Some of the subjects of her study moved from France to the northern Italy; some others moved to London, or to Madrid.

Religion continued to play an important role in the migration of Romanians throughout the 1990s. In a study of migration from Orthodox and Catholic villages in eastern Romania, Stan (2005) shows marked differences based on membership in the two religious groups. Catholic migrants were able to get better accommodation and labor market incorporation by using their religious ties to the Catholic priests in Italy. In contrast, the Orthodox Church was not active in the migration of Romanians, so villagers’ migration expanded through kinship. In a similar vein, the role of religion in the migration of Romanians is analyzed by Cingolani (2008) who shows that membership into specific religious group and access to different structures of opportunities does not account for all differences in migration. He analyzes the migration of villagers from Marginea (Suceava county, northern side of Romania) to Turin. He notices the dominance of short-term projects among Romanian migrants. The radical changes in the Romanian society and the increasing uncertainties prompted people to employ short-term strategies to cope to the changing economic reality and institutional lack of predictability. In contrast, Adventist villagers organized around relations of solidarity, based on a shared religious ethic of organizing their lives around long-term projects. Different from the Orthodox migrants, the Adventist migrants in Turin distinguished themselves through stronger optimism, solidarity and entrepreneurship.

After 1997 Romanian migration acquired a certain level of development. The decisive factor was the process of de-industrialization of the former socialist industry, cumulated to a stark impoverishment of the population (Horváth 2007). All over Romania the process of socialist industrialization had created a class of commuters, peasant-workers who were employed in industry, but resided in villages. They had double employment, both in industry and in small scale agricultural activities (Verdery 1996). Besides, “because dairy products, vegetables, fruits, and good quality meat [were] often difficult to [purchase] in towns, access to them [strengthened] ties between new urban migrants and kin left behind in villages” (Chirot 1978: 479). De-industrialization changed this relation between villages and cities, since commuters were among the first who lost their jobs in some post-socialist societies (Hann 1995; Hann 2002). It is documented in series of researches (Anghel 2008; Cingolani 2008; Horváth 2008) that this state of affairs created a class of potential migrants and put a strong pressure on rural households. A typical case is the migration from Călan, a small mono-industrial town in Transylvania that developed during socialism through industrialization and internal migration (Grigoraș 2001). After 1990, its inhabitants started to migrate towards Hungary and Germany, but migration really boomed after 1997 when all industry was closed down. This massive restructuring partially explains the developing of migration after 1997 at the national level. Since then Romanian migration continued growing and reached maturation. Through its firm increase, some clearer patterns or migration became more obvious afterwards, that were different from the previous period when irregular migration was exploratory and less structured.

After 1997 a high degree of regionalization developed. People from the western side of Romania, formerly inhabited by Germans, tended to move to Germany and Hungarians moved to Hungary. Roma people from the region of Cluj (Transylvania) and Romanian migrants from Oaș (northern Transylvania) preferred France, where they (mainly) achieved economic incorporation by selling newspapers.

Migration to Turkey and Israel emerged from the eastern side of Romania. At the end of the ‘90s there were about 70,000 Romanian labor migrants in Israel’s construction sector who came especially from these regions (Diminescu and Berthomière 2003). Their aim was not settlement but work, and the contact with local population was minimal (idem). From southern Romania and Transylvania people would generally migrate to Spain. From the southwestern regions (Timiș and Mehedinți counties), they moved first to Yugoslavia and later to other European destinations. From the eastern counties (the eastern region of Romanian) there was strong migration to Italy (Sandu 2006).

The regionalization thesis is based on quantitative surveys, mostly on Romanian rural migration, although information on urban migration is also available. It implicitly applies the principle of proximity (Ravenstein 1889) for the dispersion of migration. But this thesis alone actually conceals the diversity of migrants’ practices and of their destination routes, and does not explain how different destination routes are chosen by migrants from the same origin regions and locales.

Qualitative researches (Bleahu 2004; Stan 2005; Cingolani 2008) show the diversification of migration routes, suggesting that even people from the same locales had multiple opportunities to move abroad. This happened also because in the 1990s, despite 50 years of programmatic state control over population movement, Romanians developed many ties to Europe through Romania’s ethnic minorities (including small communities of Italians, Greeks, Turks, or Croatians), European small scale investments, mobility schemes for students and professionals, tourism (Nagy 2008), religious networks (of Catholics, neo-Protestant), recruitment agencies, migration brokers, and so on. These ties created diversified and expanding structures of opportunities for potential migrants, and migrants would often choose one of the possible migration destinations.

Furthermore, networks of migration were the main pulling factor behind migration in all Romanian regions. This is documented in most migration research on Italy (Alexandru 2006; Cingolani and Piperno 2006; Bleahu 2007; Anghel 2008; Vlase 2008), Spain (Șerban and Grigoraș 2000; Șerban 2008; Elrick and Ciobanu 2009), or France (Diminescu 1998). To a lesser extent is this true for Germany (Michalon 2003; Michalon 2003). Kinship and friendship constituted the main migration networks to Spain, and especially to Italy (Sandu 2006). The adaptability of networks, their “lock-in” (Guilmoto and Sandron 2001) in specific locales, and the preference for some destination countries in the West account better for the regional distribution of Romanian migration. The lock-in effect stresses that once networks become established into a place, it was rather difficult to move to a different one: thus, movement was organized from one locale to one or several locales in the West. Moreover, the analysis should consider recruitment and migration policies of the receiving states. Elrick and Ciobanu show how different networks reacted to recruitment policies that in comparison to networks with shorter migration history, networks with longer migration history were less affected by such policies imposed by the Spanish government (Elrick and Ciobanu 2009).

Some authors consider Romanian migration circular with migrants shuttling between Romania and the Western Europe (Sandu, Radu et al. 2004). Similar to the thesis of incomplete migration (Kaczmarczyk and Okólski 2005) of Polish migrants to Western Europe and of Ukrainian migrants to Poland, Romanian migration entailed a high level of circularity and involvement in the origin country. It was a movement back and forth, a “settling in mobility” (installation dans la mobilité) (Diminescu 1998): Romanian migration was an alternation of stays-and-goes between the countries of origin and destination (Diminescu, Ohliger et al. 2003). The destination countries were seen as countries where money was made, not as countries of settlement (Stan 2005).

This was true until a certain time, but we can re-think this issue now. Until 2000-2002, there were not many Romanian legal migrants from in Spain or Italy. As migrants acquire more rights and social ties in the country of destination, their migration projects may change. This transformation is noticeable by looking at increasing family reunions and school attendance of Romanian migrants, or at the levels of mixed marriages between Italians and Romanians. Some Italian authors argue that there is a clear settling of Romanian migrants in Italy (Schmidt 2006). For instance, in 2008 there were 116,000 underage Romanians in Italy (Pittau, Ricci et al. 2008).

Castagnone and Petrillo also show how Romanian women are successful on the labor market (Castagnone and Petrillo 2007). In comparison to Ukrainian women, their knowledge of Italian improves relatively easy, and they are better equipped to finding new labor and housing opportunities. Their migration was caused by increasing risks to their households in Romania and economic hardship. Initially seen as short-term projects, women prolonged their stay and afterwards, brought their children to Italy. In contrast, Ukrainian women left their children in Ukraine; their savings from Italy are used to improve their children’s education back in Ukraine.

Finally, one of the most sensitive issues was human trafficking. This was addressed by Lăzăroiu (Lăzăroiu 2000), where he related the trafficking of women to the deep poverty in the origin communities and to the relative deprivation of non-migrant households in the 1990s. In a different research, Alexandru (Alexandru 2006) analyzes the migration of unaccompanied children and underage youth. Different from trafficking, this migration gains acceptance and moral justification in origin communities. Traditionally, children had economic roles to fulfill in households. Since migration changed the perception of manhood in the origin communities, children’s migration became socially desirable in these communities, especially as a life strategy for underage boys.

From 2000 to 2002 a series of institutional changes heavily affected Romanian migration. In February 2000, Romania was invited to join the European Union. Consequently, the visa regime for Romanian citizens started to normalize (Diminescu, Ohliger et al. 2003). After 2002 Romanians were granted freedom of movement in the European Union. As a consequence there was mass migration to Western Europe, especially towards Italy and Spain, and migration also became easier and less costly. If before 2002 migration from poorer geographical areas was less intense, after 2002 migration spread to these regions with lower migration rates as well. Furthermore, Romanians started to acquire more economic, social and political rights given their status as European citizens after the 1st of January 2007. They were entitled to participate in local elections in the countries of Western Europe where they resided.

My contribution to the growing literature (and debates) on Romanian migration resulted in two books and a series of articles. The first book published in Romanian was entitled Sociology of Migration. Theories and Romanian Case Studies. It included a pretty diversified collection of texts some of whom first appeared in major journals. The introduction was a review of migration literature, discussing the main arguments often used in the theories and research on migration. This introduction was meant to help students of migration from Romania to tackle the issue of Romanian migration. The first part discusses ethnic migration from Romania, or migration of ethnic unmixing. It starts with the article of Rogers Brubaker on the concept of ethnic migration. For him, ethnic migration stems from ethnic affinity between titular nations of the receiving states and the cross-border population of co-ethnics. Ethnic migration is the one supported by receiving states (here understood as Motherlands) where ethnic migrants come to be received as coequal citizens. It is the European context, contends Brubaker, that this migration produces unmixing of people, driving some states to become more homogeneous in terms of their ethnic composition. The following two articles explore this phenomenon in the Romanian case: Jon Fox addresses the migration of ethnic Hungarians from Transylvania, whereas Benedicte Michalon that of ethnic Germans (Transylvanian Saxons) to Germany. Fox shows how Hungarians moving to Hungary were portrayed in the public discourse as belonging to a greater cultural Hungarian nation, for which Hungary played the role of a responsive Motherland. But in contrast to official discourses, preaching for the virtues of Transylvanian Hungarians, the reality of migration showed the opposite: that migrants encountered a poor labor market where they were often disdainfully typified as “Romanians”. The end result was a reaction of these migrants towards the attitudes of Hungarians in Hungary. A different example of ethnic migration is provided by Michalon, who showed that the migration of Transylvanian Saxons was not a move-back (or a return) to Germany, but a migration to Germany having a degree of involvement in origin communities: Saxons maintained their houses in Romania as a token of presence and involvement in their origin communities.

A second part of the book focusses on case studies of Romanian migration, where there is a clear linkage between migration and processes of transnationalism. István Horváth thus shows how, for the rural Romanian youth, migration represents a rite de passage towards the stage of adulthood and how migration reshaped people’s expectations and life plans. The paper of Cingolani follows Romanian immigrants in Turin, Italy. He shows how religion and religious affiliation play a significant role in migrant associative life and transnational connections to their origin locale. Migration is described here as an individual process, where indeed, migrant network enhanced people’s access to resources and labor opportunities. But the success of the enterprise was guaranteed by migrants’ own efforts and attempt to overcome difficulties. The section continues with an article on migration policies and migrant networks: Ciobanu and Elrick unfold how restrictive policies of Spain influenced the Romanian migration in different manner. Older migrant networks had greater possibility to adapt to restrictions than newer migrant networks. In a different paper wrote by Ferro, it was clear that migrants from Romania had pretty diversified motivations from out-migration. This was especially the case for the brain drain, where migrants usually moved from Romanian cities to different destinations abroad. In such cases, networks played only marginal role in their migratory projects. Finally, a last paper from this sections advocates for a mobility approach to the Romanian migration. Nagy shows that in the case of Maramureș, northern Romania, migration grew out from existing international tourism. Tourism and the tourist industry went through a series of changes and so did migration evolved to new forms.

The last part of the book deals with the very important topic of effects of migration in Romania. In the first paper of the section I showed the multiple and strong effects that migration produces in a Romanian locale. These effects are discernible not only in terms of new consumption patterns and changes in the material culture of the Romanian people, but also in the emergence of new marriage behaviors. Besides, migration was seen as a process of emancipation and cultural gain, through the access to international mobility, and new cultures and languages that migrants have access to. On the same topic of effects of migration, Bădescu et al analyze the cultural effects of migration on the Romanian youth. The issue of children left alone is paramount in Romania’s public discourses. But, as the authors show, looking after the children’s school results the effects are more balanced, as there are not only negative (or rather unclear), but also positive ones. Thus, the book offered a nuanced view on the Romanian migration. Instead of a homogeneous, or a vision emphasizing only the labor-migration perspective, the articles in the collection offer a rich and complex view. Accordingly, new scholars of the Romanian migration have the opportunity to relate to a wider and fast growing literature.

I contributed to the growing literature on the Romanian migration with two other results. The first is the book I already mentioned, Romanians in Western Europe. Migration, Status Dilemmas and Transnational Connections. The book reaches global audience since it is published by Lexington Books, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. As it is a monograph, I had the chance to expand the analysis and provide a whole complexity of factors influencing the Romanian migration. Here I conducted a longitudinal analysis, where I contrasted two utterly different migration streams: a flow of ethnic legal migrants and one of irregular migrants. By conducting the analysis, I showed how expanding structures of opportunities available to the Romanian migrants resulted in dilemmatic situations in respect to migrant social status and migrant transnationalism. Thus, the book provides a vivid description of two case studies on the largest East-West migration in Europe.

Professional and Career Development

Over the years I held a number of scholarships and I attended a number of conferences. Currently I developed a strong interest to the institutionalization of migration research and teaching in Romania. In terms of scholarships and I had the following positions:

CEU 1999 summer school “Plight of the Gypsies”;

CEU 1999-2000 MA scholarship holder awarded by the Open Society Foundation;

ZDES (Centre for German and European Studies) Bielefeld, curriculum development – 2004;

PhD scholarship holder DFG (German Research Foundation) research group 844 “World Society: The Emergence and Representation of Globality” – 2003-2006;

Marie Curie scholarship within the network “Transnationality of Migrants” 2007;

New Europe College Centre for Advanced Studies, Odobleja scholarship 2008-2009;

Participation into the DFG (German Research Foundation) young researcher network “The Heuristic Value of Integration Models for National Comparisons” – 2008 – 2010;

Postdoctoral scholarship at the Romanian Academy – 2010 – 2012;

Currently, I am researcher at the Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities – permanent position. Besides, since 2010 I am recurrent visiting professor for MA International Development at the Faculty of Political Sciences, Babeș Bolyai University Cluj. Between 2010 and 2012 I led a postdoctoral program at the institute where I work. Within the program we offered 4 postdoctoral scholarship awarded for two years on the topics of migration, ethnicity and citizenship. The project had a value of 90,000 Euro and was supported by the European Social Fund. One of the main outcomes was the volume that was published in 2012 at Studia Sociologia entitled: Ethnicity in Migration. Romanian Immigrants at Home and Abroad. Three of the postdoctoral researchers published papers in this special issue. Besides, between 2012 and 2015 I lead a research project on migration and social change in Romania, worth 320,000 Euro.

In this research we aim to analyze the effects of migration in Romania. We look at how social change occurs for different ethnic groups. In comparison to Romanians, members of ethnic minorities had different access to migration after 1989. Secondly, effects of migration shall be different because members of some ethnic groups, such as the Roma, had different socio-economic status than the majority (Zamfir and Zamfir 1993). In order to conduct the research we used the concept of social remittances (Levitt and Lamba – Nieves 2011) meaning that in addition to money, migrants bring back and transfer to their origin communities new practices and ideas that change these communities. Transnationalism literature also shows how migrants today sustain simultaneous social relations between their origin and destination countries, creating transnational social spaces (Glick-Schiller, Basch et al. 1995; Faist 1999) linking migrants to homestayers with long-lasting networks of social relations. For Levitt, social remittances can be individual, when they target mostly migrants and their families. Social remittances can be collective when migrants organize collective actions, such as the home-based associations of the Mexican migrants in the United States who engage in social and charity activities for their communities of origin. This research will analyze social remittances and the use of financial remittances for different ethnic groups. The study will aim to analyze how social and financial remittances influence consumption patterns and gender relations; how relations between migrants and homestayers change due to migration, and how migrants’ entrepreneurship emerges. The comparative focus will be on the Romanian and Roma migrants, but other ethnic groups will be taken into consideration, such as Hungarians or Germans. We thus aim to better grasp the relationship between migration, social change, ethnicity and development, and to advance the research agenda in the field.

The research aims at obtaining fined grained analysis of processes of social change occurring in Romania due to the mass migration of the Romanian citizens towards the Western Europe. Such a research is needed since in Romania and in the Central and Eastern Europe there is little research on the relationship between migration, development, and social change. Building on the anthropological and sociological research on migration, transnationalism and development, the project unfolds how ethnicity intersects to processes of migration, social change and development. The research is innovative in the field of migration and development. Different from the research in other geographical areas such as Mexico (Delgado Wise and Covarrubias 2007) or Morocco (Collyer, Cherti et al. 2009; De Haas 2009), we look at migrants as ethnically diverse individuals whose transnational involvements back home may create social cleavages on the basis of their ethnicity. Secondly, there is still little research on effects of migration in Romania, despite the fact that the Romanian migration is one of the main migration streams towards the Western Europe. Over the past fifteen years, more than 2.5 million people migrated towards the Western Europe and there is evidence that the effects of migration are particularly strong (Horváth and Anghel 2009). Third, the focus on ethnicity is relevant, as Romania’s ethnic minorities made a sizeable share of migrants from Romania (idem). Moreover, Roma migrants currently appear on the headlines of the European media as ‘troublesome’ persons. One would ask how does migration affects the Roma people in Romania. Research is therefore needed in order to disentangle similarities and differences concerning the effects of migration for Romanians, Roma, and members of other ethnic groups.

The research objectives were: a) to research the patterns of migration and social change. Social change can be shaped by different patterns of migration, and by different interaction between migrants’ transnational practices, social structures, and power relations. As stated in the literature, migrants may challenge local status-quo, but they may also reinforce the pre-migration status quo and interests groups (Portes 2010; Levitt and Lamba – Nieves 2011). Gender relations may change when women become breadwinners. But migration can also reinforce patriarchal relations, when men migrate and women have to take care of households. Furthermore, results can be uneven while comparing rural and urban contexts, as the differences in lifestyles, access to education, health and welfare between the rural and urban areas are dramatic (Sandu 2011).

b) to research how the migration-induced social change influences different ethnic groups. Social change can differ along ethnic lines. In the Romanian case, this shall be tested given the differentiated access to migration. Ethnic Germans and Hungarians were ethnic migrants moving to their ‘mother-countries’. Different from Romanians who migrated irregularly until 2007, Germans and Hungarians were able to travel legally, acquire citizenship with ease and incorporate into the labor markets in Germany and Hungary. Different from these ethnic groups, Roma were not welcomed in the Western Europe: they were expulsed from Germany in 1993 (Anghel 2013) and later from Italy and France. As the irregular migration from Romania required resources, they were able to migrate mostly after 2005-2006, when the migration costs from Romania diminished substantially (Michalon and Nedelcu 2010). Consequently, we shall expect that effects of migration can vary substantially for different ethnic groups.

c) to analyze the relationship between patterns of social change and economic development. Migration produces social change but it is not clear if it is conducive to development. For instance the permanent migration can run-out certain regions of their inhabitants. Such a situation will have negative effects in the long run. Alternatively, temporary migration shall have less negative effects. On the other hand, in migration contexts, relative deprivation will create higher earning expectations among non-migrants (Stark and Taylor 1991). It will produce adverse economic effects if labor productivity is not high. Migrants’ entrepreneurship and their social remittances can produce positive effects with increasing work ethic. But migrants’ entrepreneurship may be highly dependent on other migrants’ remittances when local economy is weak. In such cases, local companies are dependent on temporality of migration. When migration tend to become permanent, financial remittances can slow and companies cannot develop further. Some social remittances also cannot be fully valorized in several contexts. For instance, migrants’ command of foreign languages or specialized training vanishes if the local economy does not require them, or does not create structures of opportunities valuing such skills.

The research team consists of three experienced researchers and two young researchers. Within the project we focus on the role of social remittances in Romania, looking at differential effects in Romanian and Roma communities. We use an open approach to research the effects of migration, as we incorporate in our research agenda different types of social processes largely generated by migration, or occurring in the context of large out-migration. For instance we analyzed the migration of Roma; effects of migration among Romanian, Roma and Hungarians; return migration and new economic niches – the second hand trade; middle class formation, returnees, and the reenactment of Germanness in the southern Transylvania. In so doing, we set up a main research aiming at comprehensively address the effects of migration in Romania.

In terms of teaching, I am currently recurrent visiting professor at the Department of Political Sciences, Babeș Bolyai University, Cluj Napoca. My teaching activities are within an English International MA program in International Development. As Romania became a new donor country, the program was developed in order to prepare Romanian professionals in the field of Development. The initiation of the program was assisted by the UNDP. I currently teach three modules: a course on theories of development, another one on migration and migration policies, and a third on migration, transnationalism and development.

The course on theories of development aims at presenting the main theories of development, and some of the theories that informed development research. 60 years ago development became one of the most important field of academic debates in social sciences. Theories on development were heavily influenced by social theory, sociology, political sciences. Modernization traced its roots from the discourses of modernity and society developed in the Western World; later on, political economy and dependencia got apparent in the discourses on the Third World, underlining the theoretical and practical limits of using modernization as a panacea of underdevelopment. Today globalization and transnationalism are both theoretical premises shaping the development discourses, and shape up the practitioners’ development agendas. The course is organized in two sections: the first introduce the main theories of society that were used in development research. The second part focusses on development intervention projects. It is a reading through the main texts on development, but it does not provide an exhaustive view of debates of development from the past sixty years. By its structure, it aims at presenting students movies from different parts of the world: Africa, Caribbean, and Asia. Case studies on development in Eastern Europe are welcomed, setting up a comparative basis for the situation of development in other parts of the world.

The course on migration and migration policies introduces the main concepts and theories developed and used in migration research. It attempts to present and discuss critically a series of texts from the literature on migration and migration policy. For over a hundred years, scholars engaged in researching and understanding international migration. It generated a well-established scholarship within the social sciences. In the past twenty years also, there is a resurgence of migration scholarship all around the World with new migration flows and shifting structures emerging after the collapse of the Cold War. Often linked to globalization and the new advances in the transport and communication technologies, new migration patterns developed as well as a new research agenda. Currently, migration scholarship engages in researching the feminization of migration, transnationalism, globalization of migration, transnational family and the redistribution of care, ageing and migration, climate change and migration, and so on. In the course, some empirical articles are added to different theoretical contributions.

The course on migration transnationalism and development rendered through some of the main theories of transnationalism, and research carried out in the field of migration and development. With the speeding pace of globalization and international migration, development research has taken a new course. If the past decades researchers, practitioners and policy makers were concerned how to deal with development aid, current efforts attempt to build an understanding of how migrants’ transnationalism and migrants’ remittances shall be channeled towards more development goals, poverty alleviation, or peaceful coexistence in conflict ridden societies. The course first introduced some of the features of current migration patterns around the World; will continue with defining migrants’ transnationalism. The analysis of the migration and development nexus was dealt with in the third section. Finally, the course concentrates on some areas where the migration-transnationalism-development nexus is of a paramount importance, in what it concerns the role of migration in changing social relations, environmental change and conflict areas.

PART TWO: FUTURE PLANS

In the following three years I will further concentrate on the project I am involved in on the topic of migration and social change. Besides the issue of social change I will look at the relationship between migration and development, focusing on the remittances sent by migrants from Romania. The research will first ask if migrant remittances lead to economic dependence of peripheral economies (and regions) to core economies (De Haas 2008). Literature from other world regions shows that remittances do indeed offer better opportunities for migrant households (Massey 1987; Stark and Taylor 1991). An important question in the debates was on the evolution of remittances over the years, if sending remittances is a process extending over the first generation of migrants. Thus, the questions: “How enduring are the remittance flows?” and “What type of economic development they generate?”, are of paramount importance (De Haas 2009). Also, researchers have asked on the gender nature of remittances, namely if women are better remitters than men. Initially, some argued that this was indeed the situation, however later evidences suggested otherwise (Vullnetari and King 2011; Vlase 2013). In my research I will address two alternative questions that were not that much interrogated. First, I would inquire if destination countries have an effect on remittances. In the Romanian case the question is if migrants to Germany, Italy or Spain employ different strategies of spending and remitting (Kallay and Maniu). The question touches upon the issue of different migration policies and social remittances, assuming that through migration, migrants enter a learning process in countries of destination, which in turn influence their economic behavior.

Secondly, I will unfold the relationship between inequality and migration, while considering the relationship between the Roma and the non-Roma. I will ask how do class-like ethnic relationships change during processes of migration and migrant transnationalism. Defined in broad terms, inequality is understood as classification of social heterogeneity; in my research I will look at how the relationships between the Roma and the non-Roma change in contexts of migration, and how do Roma migrants react in the context of their previously held marginal, subaltern status.

One of the most visible changes that appeared in Europe after 2007, the year when Romania and Bulgaria joined the European Union, was the increasing number of Roma migrants moving towards West European countries. In a few years Roma migrants took the front page of major newspapers especially in Italy and France. They were usually seen as dwelling in newly created shantytowns in Italy and at the periphery of French cities, utterly poor and uneducated, incapable to integrate in west European societies (Nacu 2011). In the countries of origin also, Roma are seen as “the social problem.” Their worsening situation after 1989 made some researchers advance the idea that Roma are an emerging segregated underclass in East European societies (Ladányi 2000). Although the concept of underclass is debatable (Stewart 2002), it is still undeniable that the degree of poverty and the widespread discrimination against them made the Roma the “lowest of the low” of European societies (Stewart 1997).

The literature on Roma migration is very new and the existing studies focus on how the Roma migrated and adapted to contexts of reception (Vlase and Voicu, Nacu, raport Soros). In spite of the scarcity of data, one would contend that the Romanian Roma, the largest group of Roma migrants from the Central and Eastern Europe, migrated later than their Romanian co-citizens and encountered a less propitious economic context in Western Europe, where the crisis stroke in 2008 (Cingolani 2012; Tarnovschi 2012). Unfortunately, there is very scarce research on how migration affected the Roma in Romania, this situation depriving us of a transnational lens for this very particular migration stream. However, some migration researches conducted in different Romanian locales highlighted different processes by which Roma act and reposition themselves in relation to their marginal status. I do not provide here an analysis of a large number of cases, but rather mechanisms that emerged in a selected number of case studies that were undertaken in the past years. In a nutshell, I typified them into four broad categories: challenging ethnic hierarchies, crossing ethnic boundaries, exiting, and compliance. I consider these processes as often overlapping, so that in real life situations it is hard to find them separated, or to distinguish them one against the others. However, the distinction is useful, as these categories relate to different processes and attitudes by which members of the Roma groups challenge or reproduce existing socio-ethnic hierarchies. Exit and compliance are the easiest to define. Troc showed how in the southern Romania, young Roma migrants who moved to Spain are no longer interested in maintaining social ties to their context of origin (Troc 2011). Although their parents invested in building new houses appreciated by Roma and Romanians alike, youngsters no longer see their lives in the rural countryside of Romania. As many other migrants from Romania, Roma alike “exit” the context of origin. Research has further emphasized that not all Roma are migrants; in fact, the Roma migration seemed to have emerged later than the Romanian migration and many of the poorest among the Roma tended to stay put (Anghel 1999). In such contexts, there are many who do not move and who had to further accept their social and economic marginalization in the Romanian society. A third mechanism, of crossing ethnic boundaries, is more widespread and does not relate to migration itself. However, in different places (Câmpeanu 2012), migration of a large part of the population tended to reshape ethnic relations between Romanians and Roma. For instance in a village in southern Transylvania, Câmpeanu showed how the massive emigration of the Saxon population led to the restructuring of a village’ life: many Roma started to buy and move into Saxon houses and took a more central role in the village’s life. Twenty years after the massive Saxons’ emigration to Germany, ethnic boundaries between Romanians and Roma were by no means distinct, as they were before: mixed marriages appeared between Roma, Romanians, and Saxons. They also have similar economic activities: subsistence agriculture and seasonal work in Germany. A process of Romanianization appeared for a group of Roma who were accepted more easily than before by Romanians and Saxons. The last mechanism – of challenging ethnic hierarchies – is most commonly highlighted in the phenomenon of Gypsy palaces that appeared in Romania after 1990s. Different authors (Anghel 1999; Troc 2012) argue Roma were able to construct big houses or Gypsy palaces due to their migratory practices. Seen by the majority as a sign of Roma enrichment, and disrespect to the architectural styles of the locales where these palaces were erected, for the Roma themselves they are a sign of prestige and honor within the ethnic group. In a case study in Huedin, Troc (Troc 2012) argues that Gypsy palaces appeared as a result of constructing social status and a logic of trade within a group of Roma informal traders in Germany and Western Europe. By the size of these flowery decorated buildings, though, they challenged the vision of their marginal status in the city. Analyzing these four mechanisms is thus a way to better grasp the types of social changes occurring in different multiethnic communities in Romania. The results may be also used for enriching the literature on transnationalization of social inequality, a research agenda that has been developed in the past years and it is rapidly expanding.

In terms of publications I will concentrate on three main publications: a paper in a special issue for the journal Population, Space and Place (Impact factor 1.86), another paper for a journal on migration and ethnic studies, and an entry (with Florin Vădean) for an Handbook of International Political Economy of Migration edited by Simona Talani and McMahon at Edward Elgar Publishing, a prestigious publishing house in the UK. The first paper concentrates on a research I already carried out in a multiethnic community in Transylvania. The paper deals with migration and the changing relationships between Romanians, Hungarians, and the Roma. While analyzing the effects of migration, the paper argues that the social changes brought by migration are mediated by two layers of mediation: larger social changes in the Romanian society after 1990, and the local understanding of social order and worthiness, in accordance to which the new social hierarchy was locally measured and accepted. In the second paper I expand the analysis from the first paper for other groups of Roma migrants; the analysis will look more deeply at the four mechanisms of changing social hierarchies and inequalities I described above. The paper thus adds to the literature on the Roma migration by showing the changing relationships between the Roma and non-Roma. It thus provides a transnational angle for the study on Roma migration, which so far focused on migration and incorporation processes only. The paper thus relates on theories of social differentiation and ethnicity applied in the field of migration. The third publication is an entry on migrant remittances. The entry will review the main debates on remittances that took place in the past years in anthropology, sociology and economy. The review will have two parts: the first one on economic remittances and the second on social remittances. The first part will be realized in collaboration with Florin Vădean, a Romanian economist based in the UK.

After completing the research I am involved in, I plan to further develop and deepen the research agenda I am currently involved in. I will thus apply for other research grants: I will focus on changing class-like relationships, but I will enlarge my analysis by comparing it with research realized in other countries. As part of this comparative effort, I just participated into an application for a European-Australian exchange program. This application was realized together with colleagues from University of Trento, and Liège. The exchange program will allow me and my colleagues at the Department of Political Sciences at the Babeș-Bolyai University to visit colleagues from three Australian Universities: University of Western Australia and the University of Melbourne. Besides, I will continue working closely with the researchers that are currently involved in my current research. By these activities, I broadly aim at further institutionalizing and developing the academic research on migration and ethnic research in Romania.

PART THREE: LITERATURE

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ANNEXES

ANNEX 1

ANNEX 2: CITATIONS LIST

Changing Statuses: Freedom of Movement, Locality and Transnationality of Romanian Irregular Migrants in Milan, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 34(5), 787-802, 2008.

ELRICK, Tim: Transnational Networks of Eastern European Labor Migrants, PhD thesis, Free University Berlin, Germany, 2009, http://www.diss.fu-berlin.de/diss/receive/FUDISS_thesis_000000010697. 0,4

RECCHI, Ettore, FAVELL, Adrian: Pioneers of European Integration. Citizenship and Mobility in the EU, Edward Elgar Publishing, 2009, ISBN 978-1-84844-659-5. 0,4

UCELLINI, Cara, Margaret: ’Outsiders’ after Accession. The Case of Romanian Migrants in Italy, 1989-2009, conference paper presented at the Jean Monnet Centre of Excelence Conference: „Insiders and Outsiders”, 2010, http://www.politicalperspectives.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/vol-4-2-2010-Uccellini.pdf. 0,4

MARCU, Silvia: Romanian Migration to the Community of Madrid (Spain): Patterns of Mobility and Return, International Journal of Population Research, Article ID 258646, 2011, http://www.hindawi.com/journals/ijpr/2011/258646/. 0,4

CVAJNER, Martina, SCIORTINO, Giuseppe: Away from the Mediterranean. Italy’s changing migration systems, Italian Politics and Society, 69, pp. 15-22, 2010, http://www.arts.mun.ca/congrips/newsletter/69%20-%20Spring%202010.pdf. 0,4

MAI, Nick, Tampering with the Sex of ‘Angels’: Migrant Male Minors and Young Adults Selling Sex in the EU, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 37(8), 2011, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369183X.2011.590927#.UdUyjTsjwe4. 15,82 (f=1,92)

MAI, Nick, The politicisation of migrant minors: Italo-Romanian geopolitics and EU integration, Area, 42(2) 181-189, 2010, http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1475-4762.2009.00905.x/abstract. 10,43 (f=1,2547)

COSTOIU, Andrada: Trans Europeans. Class, immigration, transnationalism. Tobis Fellow, Center for Ethnic and Morality, University of Irvine, California, http://www.ethicscenter.uci.edu/files/ethicscenter/docs/2011/costoiu_11.pdf. 0,4

VLASE, Ionela: Migrația de întoarcere a românilor. Studiu de Caz în Vulturu, Vrancea, Calitatea Vieții 22(2), 155-176, 2011, http://www.revistacalitateavietii.ro/2011/CV-2-2011/03.pdf. 0,4

BOMMES, Michael, SCIORTINO, Giuseppe: Foggy Social Structures. Irregular Migration, European Labor Markets and the Nation State, Amsterdam University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-90-8964-341-4. 0,4

MARCU, Silvia, NIETO, Israel, Gomez: La movilidad de los inmigrantes rumanos en la comunidad de Madrid: Pautas de Asentamiento y Retorno, Scripta Nova, 14 (341) 2010, http://www.ub.edu/geocrit/sn/sn-341.htm. 0,4

AMBROSINI, Maurizio, BOCCAGNI, Paolo, PIOVESAN, Serena: L’immigrazione in Trentino – Rapporto annuale 2008, Infosociale 35, 2008, http://www.integrazionemigranti.gov.it/ricerche/Documents/Cinformi/Rapporto_immigrazione_in_Trentino_2011.pdf. 0,4

BALLI, Brikena: From communist past to capitalist present: labour market experiences of Albanian immigrants in Greece, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 13(3) 2011, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/19448953.2011.593338#.UdU2jDsjwe4. 1,26 (f=0,1075)

FOX, Katy, Peasants into European Farmers? EU Integration in the Carpathian Mountains of Romania, LiT Verlag Münster, Germany, 2010, ISBN 978-364-380-107-4. 0,4

CASTANEDA, Heide, Effects of Transitional Measures Associated with EU Integration on Medical Care Access for Central and Eastern European Migrants in Germany, Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 20(2) 68-86, 2011, http://berghahn.publisher.ingentaconnect.com/content/berghahn/ajec/2011/00000020/00000002/art00004. 0,4

NEDELCU, Mihaela: Le migrant online. Nouveaux modèles migratoires à l'ère du numerique. Paris: Ed. L'Harmattan, 2009, ISBN 978-2-296-09892-3. 0,4

TRIANDAFYLLIDOU, Anna, RECCHI, Ettore, Crossing Over, Heading West and South: Mobility, Citizenship and Employment in the Enlarged Europe, in MENZ, N.G., CAVIEDES; A., (ed) Labour Migration in Europe, London: Palgrave MacMillan, 127-149. 2010, ISBN 978-023027-4822. 0,4

MEEUS, Bruno, How to ‘Catch’ Floating Populations? Research and the Fixing of Migration in Space and Time, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 35 (10) 1775-1793, 2012, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01419870.2012.659272#.UdU70Dsjwe4. 24,06 (f=2,958)

MOROȘANU, Laura, Between Fragmented Ties and 'Soul Friendships': The Cross-Border Social Connections of Young Romanians in London, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 39(3) 353-372, 2012, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1369183X.2013.733858#.UdU9ADsjwe4. 15,82 (f=1,92)

KRINGS, Torben, BOBEK, Alicja, MORIARTY, Elaine, SALAMONSKA, Justyna, WICKHAM, James, Polish Migration to Ireland: ‘Free Movers’ in the New European Mobility Space, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 39(1) 87-103, 2013, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1369183X.2012.723250#.UdU-TTsjwe4. 15,82 (f=1,92)

ȘERBAN, Monica, Dinamica migratiei internaționale: un exercitiu asupra migratiei romanesti in Spania, Lumen, 2011, ISBN 978-973-166-2657. 0,4

KEMPF, Andreas Oskar, Biographien in Bewegung. Transnationale Migrationsverläufe aus dem ländlichem Raum von Ost nach Westeuropa, VS Springer 2012, ISBN 978-35311-96558. 0,4

MCMAHON, Simon, Assessing the Impact of European Union Citizenship: The Status and Rights of Romanian Nationals in Italy, Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 20(2) 199-214, 2012, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14782804.2012.685391?journalCode=cjea20#.UdVAxDsjwe4. 0,4

SUM, Paul, BĂDESCU, Gabriel, Coming Home: First and Second Order Effects of Returning Migrants on Romanian Economic Development through the Changing Dynamics of Social Capital, Revista Română de Comunicare și Relații Publice, 11(3) 17-34, 2009, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=59aae171-f572-4613-890b-27db46470c73&articleId=22ea26f7-18d8-4053-8715-5570a34a6f5c. 0,4

FINOTELLI, Claudia, SCIORTINO, Giuseppe, Through the Gates of the Fortress: European Visa Policies and the Limits of Immigration Control, Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 14(1) 80-101, 2013, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15705854.2012.732390#.UdVB-Dsjwe4. 0,4

VLASE, Ionela, 'My Husband Is a Patriot!': Gender and Romanian Family Return Migration from Italy, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 39(5) 741-758, 2013, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1369183X.2013.756661#.UdVDJTsjwe4. 15,82 (f=1,92)

UCCELINNI, Clara, Margaret, ‘Outsiders’ After Accession: The case of Romanian migrants in Italy, 1989-2009, Political Perspectives 4(2) 70-85, 2010, http://www.politicalperspectives.org.uk. 0,4

RUSPINI, Paolo, Conceptualizing Transnationalism: East-West Migration Patterns in Europe, in, Alleman-Gionda, Cristina, Bukow, Wolf-Dietrich, Orte der Diversität. Formate, Arrangements, und Inszenierungen, VS Verlag, 2011, 115-127, ISBN 978-3-531-17499-0. 0,4

CAVINATO, Luca, Ethnic Entrepreneurship and Forms of Capital: An Investigation of the Reasons for the Entrepreneurial Success of Romanian Immigrants in North-Eastern Italy, Grin Verlag, 2012, ISBN 978-365-6-137-214. 0,4

POINTS: 107,79

The Making of World Society. Perspectives from Transnational Research, Transcript 2008. (FOUR AUTHORS)

CZERWICK, Edwin, Politik als System. Eine Einführung in die Systemtheorie der Politik, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2011, ISBN 978-3-486-70223-1. 0,1

GOEL, Urmila, Vom Indernetzwerk zum Indienportal – Die Entwicklung eines virtuellen Raumes, in Hunger, Uwe, Kissau, Kathrin,Theoretische Zugänge und empirische Befunde, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-16857-9. 0,1

GOEL, Urmila, „Kinder statt Inder“ Normen, Grenzen und das Indernet, Jugend, Zugehörigkeit und Migration 1, in Riegel, Christine, Geisen, Thomas, Jugend, Zugehörigkeit und Migration. Subjektpositionierung im Kontext von Jugendkultur, Ethnizitäts- und Geschlechterkonstruktionen, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2007, ISBN 978-3-937603-73-5. 0,1

JOHLER, Reinhardt, MATTER, Max, ZINN-THOMAS, Sabine, Mobilitäten. Europa in Bewegung als Herausforderung kulturanalytischer Forschung, Waxmann Verlag, 2011, ISBN 978-3-8309-2495-1. 0,1

APOSTOLOV, Mario, The Post-Cold War World in Economic Crisis: Impact on World Society, in SUTER, Christian, HERKENRATH, Mark, World Society in the Global Economic Crisis, Lit Verlag, Wien, Berlin, 2012, ISBN 978-3-643-80073-2. 0,1

LÖHR, Isabella, WENZLHUEMER, Roland, Introduction: The Nation State and Beyond. Governing Globalization Processes in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries, in LÖHR, Isabella, WENZLHUEMER, Roland, The Nation State and Beyond. Governing Globalization Processes in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries, Springer Verlag, Berlin, Heidelberg, 2013, Print ISBN 978-3-642-32934-0. 0,1

DUFOIX, Stéphane, Introduction: Un Pont par-dessus la Porte. Extraterriorialisation et Transétatisation des Identifications Nationales, in DUFOIX Stéphane, GUERASSIMOFF, Carine, DE TINGUY, Anne, Loin des Yeux, Près du Coeur. Les États et leurs Expatriés, Presses de Sciences Po, 2010, ISBN 9782724611472. 0,1

SALZBRUNN, Monica, Performing Gender and Religion: The Veil’s Impact on Boundary-Making Processes in France, Women’s Studies, 41 (6), Gender and Religion: Towards Diversity, 2012, 682-705, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00497878.2012.691823#.Ucu39zsjwe4. 0,1

ANTWEILER, Christoph, Mensch und Weltkultur, Für einen realistischen Kosmopolitismus in Zeiltater der Globalisierung, Transcript Verlag, Bielefeld, 2011, ISBN 978-3-8376-1634-7. 0,1

SALZBRUNN, Monica, Rescaling Cities. Politische Partizipation von Migranten und Positionierung von Metropolen: Festliche Events in Harlem/ New York und Belleville/Paris, in BETZ, Gregor, HITZLER, Ronald, PFADENHAUER, Michaela, Urbane Events, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiessbaden, 2011, Print ISBN 978-531-17953-7. 0,1

NOWICKA, Magdalena, KAWEH, Ramin, Looking at Practice of UN Professionals: Strategies for Managing Differences and the Emergence of a Cosmopolitan Identity, in NOWICKA, Magdalena, ROVISCO, Maria, Cosmopolitanism in Practice, Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2009, ISBN 978-0-7546-7049-0. 0,1

JANOSCHKA, Michael, Between Mobility and Mobilization – Lifestyle Migration and the Practice of European Identity in Political Struggles, The Sociological Review, 58 (s2), 2010, 270-290,http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-954X.2011.01973.x/abstract;jsessionid=76261CD1E56231C6C99E8A403074DE26.d03t02?deniedAccessCustomisedMessage=&userIsAuthenticated=false. 2,46

MĂDROANE, Irina Diana, Romanian Migrants in the British Press: A Post-EU Accession Analysis, Revista Română de Comunicare și Relații Publice, 4, 2012, 103-123, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=8568cd0b-c8e1-41ba-97f7-f91856eb290f&articleId=f30d8f3f-ed13-4170-af54-1ad497ca2ad6. 0,1

ANTWEILER, Christoph, Inclusive Humanism. Anthropological Basics for a Realistic Cosmopolitanism, V&R unipress, Göttingen, 2012, ISBN 978-3-8471-00225. 0,1

GERHARZ, Eva, When Migrants Travel Back Home: Changing Identities in Northern Sri Lanka after the Ceasefire of 2002, Mobilities, 5 (1), 2010, 147-165, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17450100903435060#.UdBXdDsjwe4. 0,1

GERHARZ, Eva, Mobility After War. Re-negotiating Belonging in Jaffna, Sri Lanka, in PELLEGRINO, Giuseppina (ed.), The Politics of Promixity. Mobility /Immobility in Practice, Ashgate, 2011, Print ISBN 978-0-7546-7766-6. 0,1

HALM, Dirk, PIELAGE, Patricia, PRIES, Ludger, SEZGIN, Zeynep and TUNCER-ZENINGÜL, Tülay, Polish and Turkish Migrant Organizations in Germany, in PRIES, Ludger and SEZGIN, Zeynep, Cross Border Migrant Organizations in Comparative Perspective, Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, ISBN 978-0-230-34791-5. 0,1

ZIRH, Besim Can, Following the Dead Beyond the Nation: A Map for Transnational Alevi Funerary Routes from Europe to Turkey, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 35 (10), 2012, 1758-1774, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01419870.2012.659274#.UdBdfzsjwe4. 6

SAINSAULIEU, Ivan, SALZBRUNN, Monica, AMIOTTE-SUCHET, Laurent, Faire Communauté en Société: Dynamique des Appartenance Collectives, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2010, ISBN 978-2-7535-1029-6. 0,1

TUIDER, Elizabeth, WIENOLD, Hans, BEWERNITZ, Torsten, Dollares und Träume: Migration, Arbeit und Geschlecht in Mexiko im 21. Jahrhundert, Westfälisches Dampfboot Verlag, Münster, 2009, ISBN 978-3-89691-764-5. 0,1

GUKELBERGER, Sandrine, Violence in the Field, Working Papers in Development and Social Anthropology, WP 366, Bielefeld, 2011, https://wwwedit.uni-bielefeld.de/(de)/tdrc/ag_sozanth/publications/working_papers/WP366.pdf. 0,1

ZIANE, Olga, Transnationale geschlechtsspezifische Migration: Der Fall Ukraine seit dem Zerfall der Sowjetunion (1991), COMCAD Working Papers, WP 70, Bielefeld, 2009,http://pub.uni-bielefeld.de/luur/download?func=downloadFile&recordOId=2317237&fileOId=2319904. 0,1

TORKINGTON, Kate, Exploring the Micro-politics of Place: Lifestyle Migrants, Collective Identities and Modes of Belonging, Conference Paper, 34th Annual Meeting of the International Society of Political Psychology (ISPP), July 9th-12th, Istabul, 2011, https://sapientia.ualg.pt/bitstream/10400.1/1405/1/Full%20conference%20paper.pdf. 0,1

TORKINGTON, Kate, Defining Lifestyle Migration, Dos Algarves, 19, Revista da ESGHT/UAIg, 2010, ISSN 0873-7347, https://sapientia.ualg.pt/bitstream/10400.1/1403/1/torkington%202010.pdf. 0,1

RAITELHUBER, Eberhard, Was meint Transnationalisierung – und was hat Soziale Arbeit damit zu tun? Fachkongress Transnationale Netzwerke in der Sozialen Arbeit, März, 2011, http://www.transnationalsupport.de/fileadmin/user_upload/Profile/raithelhuber/Raithelhuber._Transnationalisierung_und_Soziale_Arbeit._2011-03-07.pdf. 0,1

BÜRKNER, Hans-Joachim, Intersectionality: How Gender Studies Might Inspire the Analysis of Social Inequality among Migrants, Population, Space and Place, 18 (2), 2012, 181-195, http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/psp.664. 2,1

GRESCHKE, Heike Mónika, Mediated Cultures of Mobility: The Art of Positioning Ethnography in Global Lanscapes, COMCAD Working Papers, WP 78, Bielefeld, 2010, http://pub.uni-bielefeld.de/luur/download?func=downloadFile&recordOId=2317213&fileOId=2319896. 0,1

NOWICKA, Magdalena, Cosmopolitanism, Spatial Mobility and the Alternative Geographies, International Review of Social Research, 2 (3), 2012, 1-16, http://www.irsr.eu/issue06/01_Nowicka_p1-16.pdf. 0,1

ANDERSSON, Mette, The Social Imaginary of First Generation Europeans, Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture, 16 (1), 2010, 3-21, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13504630903465845#.UdEm4zsjwe4. 0,1

NEU, Inga, Local Contextualization of Global Concepts – Approaches to Trauma Work through NGO in Bangladesh, Lehrforschungsbericht, Faculty of Sociology, University of Bielefeld, 2009, http://wwwedit.uni-bielefeld.de/tdrc/ag_sozanth/downloads/neu.pdf. 0,1

SIEVEKING, Nadine, Contemporary dance on stage in Burkina Faso and Senegal-creating new publics, AEGIS 4th European Conference on African Studies (ECAS 4), 15-18 June, Uppsala, Sweden, 2011, http://www.nai.uu.se/ecas-4/panels/141-156/panel-143/Nadine-Sieveking-full-paper.pdf. 0,1

GERHARZ, Eva, The Politics of Reconstruction and Development in Sri Lanka, Routledge Chapman & Hall, London, 2010, ISBN 9780415582292. 0,1

ÇAĞLAR, Ayșe, GLICK SCHILLER, Nina, Introduction: Migrants and Cities, in GLICK SCHILLER, Nina, SIMSEK-ÇAĞLAR, Ayșe, Locating Migration: Rescaling Cities and Migrants, Cornell Press University, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8014-4952-9. 0,1

BARTLETT, Christopher, BEAMISH, Paul, Transnational Management: Text, Cases & Readings in Cross-Border Management, McGraw-Hill Education/Irwin, New York, 2011, ISBN 9780071267434. 0,1

JANOSCHKA, Michael, Imaginarios del turismo residencial en Costa Rica. Negociaciones de pertenencia y apropriación simbólica de espacios y lugares: una relación conflictiva, in MAZÓN, T., HUETE, R., MANTECÓN, A., Construir una nueva vida. Los espacios del turismo y la migración residencial, Milrazones, Santander, 2011, ISBN 978-84-937552-4-9. 0,1

JANOSCHKA, Michael, Prácticas de ciudadanía europea. El uso estratégico de las identitades en la participación política de los inmigrantes comunitarios, Arbor, 186 (744), 2010, http://arbor.revistas.csic.es/index.php/arbor/article/viewArticle/1219. 0,1

HUNTER, Alistair Pursell, Theory and Practice of Return Migration at Retirement: The Case of Migrant Worker Hostel Residents in France, Population, Space and Place, 17 (2), 2011, 179-192, doi:10.1002/psp.610. 2,1

TORKINGTON, Kate, The Discursive Construction of Place-Identity: British Lifestyle Migrants in the Algarve, ESG2-Teses, Sapientia, Repositório Instítucional Universidade do Algarve, 2011, https://sapientia.ualg.pt/handle/10400.1/1402. 0,1

PACIULAN, Melissa M., Parental Controls: The Gendered Experiences of Latin American Mothers and Fathers in Canada’s Agricultural Guestworker Programs, Thesis presented at the University of Guelph, Ontario, 2012, https://dspace.lib.uoguelph.ca/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10214/3280/Thesis%20revised.pdf?sequence=2. 0,1

GOEL, Urmila, 'Half Indians', Adopted 'Germans' and 'Afghan Indians'. On Claims of 'Indianness' and their contestations in Germany, Transforming Cultures eJournal, 3 (1), 2008, ISSN 1833-8542, http://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/journals/index.php/TfC/article/view/676/. 0,1

SCHUERKENS, Ulrike, Reviews: Anghel Remus Gabriel, Eva Gerharz, Gilberto Rescher and Monika Salzbrunn, eds., The Making of World Society: Perspectives from Transnational Research. Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag, 2008, 329 pp., ISBN 9783899428353, International Sociology, 25, 2010, 219-222, http://iss.sagepub.com/content/25/2/219.refs. 1,98

POINTS: 18.24

Migration and Its Consequences for Romania, Südosteuropa 57(4) 386-403. (TWO AUTHORS)

CAREJA, Romana, ANDREß, Hans-Jürgen, Making Migration Work. A Study of the Developmental Impact of Return Migration in Romania and Republic of Moldova, Research Report, Universität zu Köln, 2010, http://www.iss-wiso.uni-koeln.de/fileadmin/sites/soziologie/pdf/Forschungsprojekte/making_migration_work.pdf. 0,2

WERSCHING, Simone, Migration in Romania between 1944 and 1989 and twenty years later: An account of the Banat Region , in KAHL, Thede, SCHIPPEL, Larisa, Kilometer Null. Politische Transformation und gesellschaftliche Entwicklungen in Rumänien seit 1989, 199-230, Frank & Timme Verlag, 2009, ISBN 978-3-86596-344-4. 0,2

LAZAR, Mirela, BOICU, Ruxandra, Media Representation of Community Identity: The Romanians Working in Spain, Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations, 4, 2012, 125-140, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=8568cd0b-c8e1-41ba-97f7-f91856eb290f&articleId=04d33772-c56d-49f4-b272-a536fe9b052d. 0,2

COSTOIU, Andrada, Trans Europeans. Class, Immigration, Transnationalism, Center for Ethic and Morality, University of Irvine, California, http://www.ethicscenter.uci.edu/files/ethicscenter/docs/2011/costoiu_11.pdf. 0,2

PLETEA, Irina Gabriela, Les visages de la migration roumaine récente dans la presse du pays d’origine et des pays de destination, Revista Română de Comunicare și Relații Publice, 4/2012, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=8568cd0b-c8e1-41ba-97f7-f91856eb290f&articleId=0e0bd5b0-af4c-4887-80c6-44ba888e4098. 0,2

POINTS: 1

Sociologia Migrației. Teorii și Studii de Caz Românesc, Polirom 2009. (TWO AUTHORS)

MIHĂILESCU, Vintilă, Etnografii urbane, Polirom, 2009, ISBN 978-973-46-1574-2. 0,2

FILIPOV, Ina, Migrația – Element al Dezvoltării Comunităților Locale, International Conference of Young Researchers, Chișinău, Moldova, 2010, http://www.pro-science.asm.md/conf/conf_2010.pdf. 0,2

SEMENIUC, Sorin Cristian, Migranții, între noua limbă și gândirea românească, Sfera Politicii 4(158), 93-99, 2011, http://www.sferapoliticii.ro/sfera/158/art11-Semeniuc.php. 0,2

NEDELCU, Mioara, VRÂNCEANU, Elena Simona, Romanian Post-Communist Migration. Issues Regarding Immigrants Integration, Științe Politice 4, 76-87, 2009, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=60eec934-aa2b-4a7c-bc23-c7464acd93dc&articleId=6f63581a-847a-4d89-8a08-cc9f383b6b97. 0,2

HORVÁT István, Migrația Etnică din România. Între Exil și Căutare, Sfera Politicii 137, 34-38, 2009, http://www.sferapoliticii.ro/sfera/pdf/Sfera_137.pdf. 0,2

DINCĂ, Melinda, CEAUȘESCU, Anca, Implications of migration flows on the community life of a Romanian village. A case study of Biled, Timis County, Romania, Ethnologia Balkanica: Migration in, from, and to Southeastern Europe. Part 2, ways and strategies of migrating, 247-264, 2011, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=12f4cf1d-d774-42e6-8e9a-d8e9339dd167&articleId=89116857-152a-467e-b91c-3f4af8f01e7e. 0,2

BODÓ, Julianna, Labour Migration from the Szeklerland after the Regime Change. A Review of an Anthropological Research Programme, Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Social Analysis, 1(1) 108-118, 2011, http://www.acta.sapientia.ro/acta-social/C1-1/Social1-7.pdf. 0,2

STAN, Sabina, Romanian Migration to Spain and Its Impact on the Romanian Labor Market, Working Paper 14, Centro d’Estudia Sociologica, Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona, 2009, http://quit.uab.es/pool/files/bin/WP14_Romanian%20migration.pdf. 0,2

MACRI, Ioana, Stories of Love and Hate. Images of ‘Homeland’ in the Identity Narratives of Romanians in Ireland, International Review of Social Research, 1(2), 125-143, 2011, http://www.irsr.eu/issue02/08_Macri_p125-143.pdf. 0,2

MICHALON, Bénédicte, NEDELCU, Mihaela, Introduction: Histoire, constantes et transformations récentes des dynamiques migratoires en Roumanie, Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest, 41, 5-27, 2010, http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/77/14/67/PDF/Michalon_Nedelcu_histoire_mig_Roumanie_RECEO_2010.pdf. 0,48

BOCANCEA, Silvia, Migrația românească de tipul “one way ticket” de la începutul secolului XX, Sfera Politicii, 12 (166), 2011, http://www.sferapoliticii.ro/sfera/166/art11-Bocancea.php. 0,2

LARIONESCU, Andra Letiția, Migrants’ Housing in the Homeland. A Case Study of the Impact of Migration on a Rural Community: The Village of Marginea, Romania, Journal of Comparative Research in Anthropology and Sociology, 3 (2), 2012, http://compaso.eu/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/Compaso2012-32-Larionescu.pdf. 0,2

FERARU, Petronela Daniela, Românii din Torino între integrare, dezintegrare și reintegrare, Editura Lumen, Iași, 2011, ISBN 978-973-166-264-0. 0,2

ȘERBAN, Monica, Dinamica migrației internaționale: un exercițiu asupra migrației românești în Spania, Editura Lumen, Iași, 2011, ISBN 978-973-166-2657. 0,2

KISS, Tamás, Perspectiva administrativă? O analiză comparativă a discursului demografic maghiar din România, Editura ISPMN/Kriterion, Cluj-Napoca, 2009, ISBN 978-606-92223-3-1. 0,2

BENEDEK, József, Románia. Tér, gazdaság, társadalom, ISPMN/Kriterion, Cluj-Napoca, 2011, ISBN 978-606-92744-6-0. 0,2

SANDU, Dumitru, Lumile sociale ale migrației românești în străinătate, Polirom, Iași, 2010, ISBN 978-973-461-6503. 0,2

STOICOVICI, Maria, România ca țară de origine, de tranzit și de destinație a migranților, Revista Română de Sociologie, 23 (5-6), 429-443, 2012, http://www.revistadesociologie.ro/pdf-uri/nr.5-6-2012/06-MStoicovici.pdf. 0,2

SACALEAN, Lucian, Demographic Power-Psychological Effects of the Crisis Among Immigrants-Romanians in Spain, The 6th International Days of Statistics and Economics, September 13-15, Prague, 2012, http://msed.vse.cz/files/2012/Lucian_2_2012.pdf. 0,2

POPA, Nicoleta Laura, Factors of School Achievement in Romanian Children and Youth with a Migration Background, Working Paper presented during the Conference at the University of Ruse, 51 (6.2), 2012, http://conf.uni-ruse.bg/bg/docs/cp12/6.2/6.2-19.pdf. 0,2

ELRICK, Tim, Transnational Migration Networks of Eastern European Labor Migrants, PhD thesis, Freie Universität, Berlin, http://www.diss.fu-berlin.de/diss/receive/FUDISS_thesis_000000010697. 0,2

PLETEA, Gabriela Irina, Les visages de la migration roumaine récente dans la presse du pays d’origine et des pays de destination, Revista Comunicare, 27, Special Issue, 2012, 141-161, http://journalofcommunication.ro/28/pletea_28.pdf. 0,2

BRIE, Mircea, HORGA, Ioan, ȘIPOȘ, Sorin, Ethnicity, Confession and Intercultural Dialogue at the European Union’s East Border, MPRA Paper 44082, 2011, http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/44082/1/MPRA_paper_44082.pdf. 0,2

NETEDU, Adrian, CHIMILEVSCHI, Ada-Marlen, Migration and Intergenerational Relationships, Sociologie și Asistență Socială, 5 (1), 2012, http://anale.fssp.uaic.ro/?titluarhiva=SociologiesiasistentasocialaTomV2012Nr1&publicatie=sociologiesiasistentasociala&chapter=Arhiva&titlucapitol=SOCIALEMPIRICALSTUDIES&article=AdrianNETEDUAda-MarlenCHMILEVSCHIMigrationandIntergenerationalRelationships&lang=ro&worksession=. 0,2

BRAȘOVEANU, Alina, ERASMUS – European Educational Mobility Program and Cross-Cultural Shared Experience and Identity, Studia Europaea 4, 2010, 85-104, http://www.euro.ubbcluj.ro/studia/issues/steur2010_4.pdf. 0,2

LARIONESCU, Andra Letiția, Locuințele migranților în țara de origine. Un studiu de caz despre transformarea locuinței rurale sub impactul migrației internaționale. Comuna Marginea, județul Suceava, Thèse pour le Doctorat en cotutelle internationale de l’Université Bordeaux Segalen, 2012, http://apps.unibuc.ro/studies/index.php?path=Doctorate2013Februarie%2FLARIONESCU+JACOB+ANDRA+LETITIA+-+Locuintele+migrantilor+in+tara+de+origine/. 0,2

MARCU, Silvia, Living Across Borders: The Mobility Narratives or Romanian Immigrants in Spain, Romanian Journal of European Affairs, 12 (3), 2012, 33-50, http://www.ier.ro/documente/rjea_vol12_no3/RJEA_vol_12_no_3_september_2012_-_art.3_.pdf. 0,2

TOADER, Elena, Current Opinions of Doctors and Decisional Factors on the Migration of the Romanian Physicians: A Study of Several Mass-Media Statements, Revista de cercetare și intervenție socială, 37, 2012, 144-161, http://www.rcis.ro/images/documente/rcis37_08.pdf. 0,2

RAȚ, Cristina, Disempowering Inclusion – Family Policies, Social Assistance Schemes and the Situation of Roma Mothers in Romania, Paper presented at the Nordic Conference ‘Intentions, Interactions and Paradoxes in Post-Socialist Space,’ 24-25 May, 2013, Helsinki, http://sparex-ro.eu/wp-content/uploads/Paper_CRat_2013_Helsinki.pdf. 0,2

ICHIM, Vasile-Liviu, Reasons of Labour Force Migration in Romania, 7th International Scientific Conference ‘Business and Management 2012’, May 10-11, 2012, Vilnius, http://leidykla.vgtu.lt/conferences/BM_2012/social_and_economics/639_646_Ichim.pdf. 0,2

CIOBANU, Oana Ruxandra, A Stage Approach to Transnational Migration, Migrant Narratives from Rural Romania, Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Department of Sociology, University of Osnabrück, 2010, http://repositorium.uni-osnabrueck.de/bitstream/urn:nbn:de:gbv:700-201007306415/19/thesis_ciobanu.pdf. 0,2

POINTS: 6.48

Come hanno fatto i rumeni ad arrivare in Italia? in, Colombo, Asher, Sciortino, Giuseppe, Stranieri in Italia: Trent’anni Dopo, Il Mulino. Bologna, pp. 19-48.

MANCINI, Giovanna, Luca, Chi vuole tornare a casa? Storie di emigrazione dalla Romania, Fareantropologia 2009. 0,4

MASSINI, Andrea, Il welfare invisibile: migrazioni, lavoro e legami transnazionali delle collaboratrici domestiche tra Italia e Romania, University of Pisa PhD thesis, 2010, http://etd.adm.unipi.it/t/etd-11142010-182258/. 0,4

TRIANDAFYLLIDOU, Anna, RECCHI, Ettore, Crossing Over, Heading West and South: Mobility, Citizenship and Employment in the Enlarged Europe, in MENZ, N.G., CAVIEDES; A., (ed) Labour Migration in Europe, London: Palgrave MacMillan, 127-149. 2010, ISBN 978-023027-4822. 0,4

POINTS: 1.2

Milano Centrale. Status ilegal, piețe de muncă și practici transnaționale la migranți români la Milano, Sociologie Românească, vol III nr.2, Polirom.

LUCA, Lucian, Taking the shortcut to the EU: leaving for the US. The Temporary Summer Migration of Eastern European Students, in, Challenges of Europe. Inclusion and Exclusion in Contemporary European Societies, 2010, http://inclusionexclusion.eu/…/Luca-Lucian.doc. 0,4

BADEA, Camelia Virginia, Migrația de Revenire, Studiu de Caz în satul Speriețeni, un sat în tranziție, Editura Lumen, 2009, ISBN 978-973-166-1452. 0,4

MIHĂILESCU, Vintilă, Etnografii urbane, Polirom, 2009, ISBN 978-973-46-1574-2. 0,4

OTOVESCU, Adrian, Trăsături identitare ale imigranților români din Italia, Revista Română de Sociologie, serie nouă, 23 (5-6), 445-462, 2012, http://www.revistadesociologie.ro/pdf-uri/nr.5-6-2012/07-Otovescu.pdf. 0,4

POINTS: 1.6

La Migration Internationale: Panacée ou Entrave au Développement Local? Etude du Changement Social Récent dans une Ville Roumaine de Forte Émigration, R.E.C.E.O. Revue d’études Comparatives Est-Ouest 41 (4), 73-96, 2010.

MICHALON, Bénédicte, NEDELCU, Mihaela, Introduction: Histoire, constantes et transformations récentes des dynamiques migratoires en Roumanie, Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest, 41, 5-27, 2010, http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/77/14/67/PDF/Michalon_Nedelcu_histoire_mig_Roumanie_RECEO_2010.pdf. 0,4

POINTS: 0,4

TOTAL AMOUNT: 136,71

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ANNEXES

ANNEX 1

ANNEX 2: CITATIONS LIST

Changing Statuses: Freedom of Movement, Locality and Transnationality of Romanian Irregular Migrants in Milan, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 34(5), 787-802, 2008.

ELRICK, Tim: Transnational Networks of Eastern European Labor Migrants, PhD thesis, Free University Berlin, Germany, 2009, http://www.diss.fu-berlin.de/diss/receive/FUDISS_thesis_000000010697. 0,4

RECCHI, Ettore, FAVELL, Adrian: Pioneers of European Integration. Citizenship and Mobility in the EU, Edward Elgar Publishing, 2009, ISBN 978-1-84844-659-5. 0,4

UCELLINI, Cara, Margaret: ’Outsiders’ after Accession. The Case of Romanian Migrants in Italy, 1989-2009, conference paper presented at the Jean Monnet Centre of Excelence Conference: „Insiders and Outsiders”, 2010, http://www.politicalperspectives.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/vol-4-2-2010-Uccellini.pdf. 0,4

MARCU, Silvia: Romanian Migration to the Community of Madrid (Spain): Patterns of Mobility and Return, International Journal of Population Research, Article ID 258646, 2011, http://www.hindawi.com/journals/ijpr/2011/258646/. 0,4

CVAJNER, Martina, SCIORTINO, Giuseppe: Away from the Mediterranean. Italy’s changing migration systems, Italian Politics and Society, 69, pp. 15-22, 2010, http://www.arts.mun.ca/congrips/newsletter/69%20-%20Spring%202010.pdf. 0,4

MAI, Nick, Tampering with the Sex of ‘Angels’: Migrant Male Minors and Young Adults Selling Sex in the EU, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 37(8), 2011, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369183X.2011.590927#.UdUyjTsjwe4. 15,82 (f=1,92)

MAI, Nick, The politicisation of migrant minors: Italo-Romanian geopolitics and EU integration, Area, 42(2) 181-189, 2010, http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1475-4762.2009.00905.x/abstract. 10,43 (f=1,2547)

COSTOIU, Andrada: Trans Europeans. Class, immigration, transnationalism. Tobis Fellow, Center for Ethnic and Morality, University of Irvine, California, http://www.ethicscenter.uci.edu/files/ethicscenter/docs/2011/costoiu_11.pdf. 0,4

VLASE, Ionela: Migrația de întoarcere a românilor. Studiu de Caz în Vulturu, Vrancea, Calitatea Vieții 22(2), 155-176, 2011, http://www.revistacalitateavietii.ro/2011/CV-2-2011/03.pdf. 0,4

BOMMES, Michael, SCIORTINO, Giuseppe: Foggy Social Structures. Irregular Migration, European Labor Markets and the Nation State, Amsterdam University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-90-8964-341-4. 0,4

MARCU, Silvia, NIETO, Israel, Gomez: La movilidad de los inmigrantes rumanos en la comunidad de Madrid: Pautas de Asentamiento y Retorno, Scripta Nova, 14 (341) 2010, http://www.ub.edu/geocrit/sn/sn-341.htm. 0,4

AMBROSINI, Maurizio, BOCCAGNI, Paolo, PIOVESAN, Serena: L’immigrazione in Trentino – Rapporto annuale 2008, Infosociale 35, 2008, http://www.integrazionemigranti.gov.it/ricerche/Documents/Cinformi/Rapporto_immigrazione_in_Trentino_2011.pdf. 0,4

BALLI, Brikena: From communist past to capitalist present: labour market experiences of Albanian immigrants in Greece, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 13(3) 2011, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/19448953.2011.593338#.UdU2jDsjwe4. 1,26 (f=0,1075)

FOX, Katy, Peasants into European Farmers? EU Integration in the Carpathian Mountains of Romania, LiT Verlag Münster, Germany, 2010, ISBN 978-364-380-107-4. 0,4

CASTANEDA, Heide, Effects of Transitional Measures Associated with EU Integration on Medical Care Access for Central and Eastern European Migrants in Germany, Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 20(2) 68-86, 2011, http://berghahn.publisher.ingentaconnect.com/content/berghahn/ajec/2011/00000020/00000002/art00004. 0,4

NEDELCU, Mihaela: Le migrant online. Nouveaux modèles migratoires à l'ère du numerique. Paris: Ed. L'Harmattan, 2009, ISBN 978-2-296-09892-3. 0,4

TRIANDAFYLLIDOU, Anna, RECCHI, Ettore, Crossing Over, Heading West and South: Mobility, Citizenship and Employment in the Enlarged Europe, in MENZ, N.G., CAVIEDES; A., (ed) Labour Migration in Europe, London: Palgrave MacMillan, 127-149. 2010, ISBN 978-023027-4822. 0,4

MEEUS, Bruno, How to ‘Catch’ Floating Populations? Research and the Fixing of Migration in Space and Time, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 35 (10) 1775-1793, 2012, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01419870.2012.659272#.UdU70Dsjwe4. 24,06 (f=2,958)

MOROȘANU, Laura, Between Fragmented Ties and 'Soul Friendships': The Cross-Border Social Connections of Young Romanians in London, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 39(3) 353-372, 2012, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1369183X.2013.733858#.UdU9ADsjwe4. 15,82 (f=1,92)

KRINGS, Torben, BOBEK, Alicja, MORIARTY, Elaine, SALAMONSKA, Justyna, WICKHAM, James, Polish Migration to Ireland: ‘Free Movers’ in the New European Mobility Space, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 39(1) 87-103, 2013, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1369183X.2012.723250#.UdU-TTsjwe4. 15,82 (f=1,92)

ȘERBAN, Monica, Dinamica migratiei internaționale: un exercitiu asupra migratiei romanesti in Spania, Lumen, 2011, ISBN 978-973-166-2657. 0,4

KEMPF, Andreas Oskar, Biographien in Bewegung. Transnationale Migrationsverläufe aus dem ländlichem Raum von Ost nach Westeuropa, VS Springer 2012, ISBN 978-35311-96558. 0,4

MCMAHON, Simon, Assessing the Impact of European Union Citizenship: The Status and Rights of Romanian Nationals in Italy, Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 20(2) 199-214, 2012, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14782804.2012.685391?journalCode=cjea20#.UdVAxDsjwe4. 0,4

SUM, Paul, BĂDESCU, Gabriel, Coming Home: First and Second Order Effects of Returning Migrants on Romanian Economic Development through the Changing Dynamics of Social Capital, Revista Română de Comunicare și Relații Publice, 11(3) 17-34, 2009, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=59aae171-f572-4613-890b-27db46470c73&articleId=22ea26f7-18d8-4053-8715-5570a34a6f5c. 0,4

FINOTELLI, Claudia, SCIORTINO, Giuseppe, Through the Gates of the Fortress: European Visa Policies and the Limits of Immigration Control, Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 14(1) 80-101, 2013, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15705854.2012.732390#.UdVB-Dsjwe4. 0,4

VLASE, Ionela, 'My Husband Is a Patriot!': Gender and Romanian Family Return Migration from Italy, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 39(5) 741-758, 2013, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1369183X.2013.756661#.UdVDJTsjwe4. 15,82 (f=1,92)

UCCELINNI, Clara, Margaret, ‘Outsiders’ After Accession: The case of Romanian migrants in Italy, 1989-2009, Political Perspectives 4(2) 70-85, 2010, http://www.politicalperspectives.org.uk. 0,4

RUSPINI, Paolo, Conceptualizing Transnationalism: East-West Migration Patterns in Europe, in, Alleman-Gionda, Cristina, Bukow, Wolf-Dietrich, Orte der Diversität. Formate, Arrangements, und Inszenierungen, VS Verlag, 2011, 115-127, ISBN 978-3-531-17499-0. 0,4

CAVINATO, Luca, Ethnic Entrepreneurship and Forms of Capital: An Investigation of the Reasons for the Entrepreneurial Success of Romanian Immigrants in North-Eastern Italy, Grin Verlag, 2012, ISBN 978-365-6-137-214. 0,4

POINTS: 107,79

The Making of World Society. Perspectives from Transnational Research, Transcript 2008. (FOUR AUTHORS)

CZERWICK, Edwin, Politik als System. Eine Einführung in die Systemtheorie der Politik, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2011, ISBN 978-3-486-70223-1. 0,1

GOEL, Urmila, Vom Indernetzwerk zum Indienportal – Die Entwicklung eines virtuellen Raumes, in Hunger, Uwe, Kissau, Kathrin,Theoretische Zugänge und empirische Befunde, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-16857-9. 0,1

GOEL, Urmila, „Kinder statt Inder“ Normen, Grenzen und das Indernet, Jugend, Zugehörigkeit und Migration 1, in Riegel, Christine, Geisen, Thomas, Jugend, Zugehörigkeit und Migration. Subjektpositionierung im Kontext von Jugendkultur, Ethnizitäts- und Geschlechterkonstruktionen, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2007, ISBN 978-3-937603-73-5. 0,1

JOHLER, Reinhardt, MATTER, Max, ZINN-THOMAS, Sabine, Mobilitäten. Europa in Bewegung als Herausforderung kulturanalytischer Forschung, Waxmann Verlag, 2011, ISBN 978-3-8309-2495-1. 0,1

APOSTOLOV, Mario, The Post-Cold War World in Economic Crisis: Impact on World Society, in SUTER, Christian, HERKENRATH, Mark, World Society in the Global Economic Crisis, Lit Verlag, Wien, Berlin, 2012, ISBN 978-3-643-80073-2. 0,1

LÖHR, Isabella, WENZLHUEMER, Roland, Introduction: The Nation State and Beyond. Governing Globalization Processes in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries, in LÖHR, Isabella, WENZLHUEMER, Roland, The Nation State and Beyond. Governing Globalization Processes in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries, Springer Verlag, Berlin, Heidelberg, 2013, Print ISBN 978-3-642-32934-0. 0,1

DUFOIX, Stéphane, Introduction: Un Pont par-dessus la Porte. Extraterriorialisation et Transétatisation des Identifications Nationales, in DUFOIX Stéphane, GUERASSIMOFF, Carine, DE TINGUY, Anne, Loin des Yeux, Près du Coeur. Les États et leurs Expatriés, Presses de Sciences Po, 2010, ISBN 9782724611472. 0,1

SALZBRUNN, Monica, Performing Gender and Religion: The Veil’s Impact on Boundary-Making Processes in France, Women’s Studies, 41 (6), Gender and Religion: Towards Diversity, 2012, 682-705, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00497878.2012.691823#.Ucu39zsjwe4. 0,1

ANTWEILER, Christoph, Mensch und Weltkultur, Für einen realistischen Kosmopolitismus in Zeiltater der Globalisierung, Transcript Verlag, Bielefeld, 2011, ISBN 978-3-8376-1634-7. 0,1

SALZBRUNN, Monica, Rescaling Cities. Politische Partizipation von Migranten und Positionierung von Metropolen: Festliche Events in Harlem/ New York und Belleville/Paris, in BETZ, Gregor, HITZLER, Ronald, PFADENHAUER, Michaela, Urbane Events, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiessbaden, 2011, Print ISBN 978-531-17953-7. 0,1

NOWICKA, Magdalena, KAWEH, Ramin, Looking at Practice of UN Professionals: Strategies for Managing Differences and the Emergence of a Cosmopolitan Identity, in NOWICKA, Magdalena, ROVISCO, Maria, Cosmopolitanism in Practice, Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2009, ISBN 978-0-7546-7049-0. 0,1

JANOSCHKA, Michael, Between Mobility and Mobilization – Lifestyle Migration and the Practice of European Identity in Political Struggles, The Sociological Review, 58 (s2), 2010, 270-290,http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-954X.2011.01973.x/abstract;jsessionid=76261CD1E56231C6C99E8A403074DE26.d03t02?deniedAccessCustomisedMessage=&userIsAuthenticated=false. 2,46

MĂDROANE, Irina Diana, Romanian Migrants in the British Press: A Post-EU Accession Analysis, Revista Română de Comunicare și Relații Publice, 4, 2012, 103-123, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=8568cd0b-c8e1-41ba-97f7-f91856eb290f&articleId=f30d8f3f-ed13-4170-af54-1ad497ca2ad6. 0,1

ANTWEILER, Christoph, Inclusive Humanism. Anthropological Basics for a Realistic Cosmopolitanism, V&R unipress, Göttingen, 2012, ISBN 978-3-8471-00225. 0,1

GERHARZ, Eva, When Migrants Travel Back Home: Changing Identities in Northern Sri Lanka after the Ceasefire of 2002, Mobilities, 5 (1), 2010, 147-165, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17450100903435060#.UdBXdDsjwe4. 0,1

GERHARZ, Eva, Mobility After War. Re-negotiating Belonging in Jaffna, Sri Lanka, in PELLEGRINO, Giuseppina (ed.), The Politics of Promixity. Mobility /Immobility in Practice, Ashgate, 2011, Print ISBN 978-0-7546-7766-6. 0,1

HALM, Dirk, PIELAGE, Patricia, PRIES, Ludger, SEZGIN, Zeynep and TUNCER-ZENINGÜL, Tülay, Polish and Turkish Migrant Organizations in Germany, in PRIES, Ludger and SEZGIN, Zeynep, Cross Border Migrant Organizations in Comparative Perspective, Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, ISBN 978-0-230-34791-5. 0,1

ZIRH, Besim Can, Following the Dead Beyond the Nation: A Map for Transnational Alevi Funerary Routes from Europe to Turkey, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 35 (10), 2012, 1758-1774, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01419870.2012.659274#.UdBdfzsjwe4. 6

SAINSAULIEU, Ivan, SALZBRUNN, Monica, AMIOTTE-SUCHET, Laurent, Faire Communauté en Société: Dynamique des Appartenance Collectives, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2010, ISBN 978-2-7535-1029-6. 0,1

TUIDER, Elizabeth, WIENOLD, Hans, BEWERNITZ, Torsten, Dollares und Träume: Migration, Arbeit und Geschlecht in Mexiko im 21. Jahrhundert, Westfälisches Dampfboot Verlag, Münster, 2009, ISBN 978-3-89691-764-5. 0,1

GUKELBERGER, Sandrine, Violence in the Field, Working Papers in Development and Social Anthropology, WP 366, Bielefeld, 2011, https://wwwedit.uni-bielefeld.de/(de)/tdrc/ag_sozanth/publications/working_papers/WP366.pdf. 0,1

ZIANE, Olga, Transnationale geschlechtsspezifische Migration: Der Fall Ukraine seit dem Zerfall der Sowjetunion (1991), COMCAD Working Papers, WP 70, Bielefeld, 2009,http://pub.uni-bielefeld.de/luur/download?func=downloadFile&recordOId=2317237&fileOId=2319904. 0,1

TORKINGTON, Kate, Exploring the Micro-politics of Place: Lifestyle Migrants, Collective Identities and Modes of Belonging, Conference Paper, 34th Annual Meeting of the International Society of Political Psychology (ISPP), July 9th-12th, Istabul, 2011, https://sapientia.ualg.pt/bitstream/10400.1/1405/1/Full%20conference%20paper.pdf. 0,1

TORKINGTON, Kate, Defining Lifestyle Migration, Dos Algarves, 19, Revista da ESGHT/UAIg, 2010, ISSN 0873-7347, https://sapientia.ualg.pt/bitstream/10400.1/1403/1/torkington%202010.pdf. 0,1

RAITELHUBER, Eberhard, Was meint Transnationalisierung – und was hat Soziale Arbeit damit zu tun? Fachkongress Transnationale Netzwerke in der Sozialen Arbeit, März, 2011, http://www.transnationalsupport.de/fileadmin/user_upload/Profile/raithelhuber/Raithelhuber._Transnationalisierung_und_Soziale_Arbeit._2011-03-07.pdf. 0,1

BÜRKNER, Hans-Joachim, Intersectionality: How Gender Studies Might Inspire the Analysis of Social Inequality among Migrants, Population, Space and Place, 18 (2), 2012, 181-195, http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/psp.664. 2,1

GRESCHKE, Heike Mónika, Mediated Cultures of Mobility: The Art of Positioning Ethnography in Global Lanscapes, COMCAD Working Papers, WP 78, Bielefeld, 2010, http://pub.uni-bielefeld.de/luur/download?func=downloadFile&recordOId=2317213&fileOId=2319896. 0,1

NOWICKA, Magdalena, Cosmopolitanism, Spatial Mobility and the Alternative Geographies, International Review of Social Research, 2 (3), 2012, 1-16, http://www.irsr.eu/issue06/01_Nowicka_p1-16.pdf. 0,1

ANDERSSON, Mette, The Social Imaginary of First Generation Europeans, Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture, 16 (1), 2010, 3-21, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13504630903465845#.UdEm4zsjwe4. 0,1

NEU, Inga, Local Contextualization of Global Concepts – Approaches to Trauma Work through NGO in Bangladesh, Lehrforschungsbericht, Faculty of Sociology, University of Bielefeld, 2009, http://wwwedit.uni-bielefeld.de/tdrc/ag_sozanth/downloads/neu.pdf. 0,1

SIEVEKING, Nadine, Contemporary dance on stage in Burkina Faso and Senegal-creating new publics, AEGIS 4th European Conference on African Studies (ECAS 4), 15-18 June, Uppsala, Sweden, 2011, http://www.nai.uu.se/ecas-4/panels/141-156/panel-143/Nadine-Sieveking-full-paper.pdf. 0,1

GERHARZ, Eva, The Politics of Reconstruction and Development in Sri Lanka, Routledge Chapman & Hall, London, 2010, ISBN 9780415582292. 0,1

ÇAĞLAR, Ayșe, GLICK SCHILLER, Nina, Introduction: Migrants and Cities, in GLICK SCHILLER, Nina, SIMSEK-ÇAĞLAR, Ayșe, Locating Migration: Rescaling Cities and Migrants, Cornell Press University, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8014-4952-9. 0,1

BARTLETT, Christopher, BEAMISH, Paul, Transnational Management: Text, Cases & Readings in Cross-Border Management, McGraw-Hill Education/Irwin, New York, 2011, ISBN 9780071267434. 0,1

JANOSCHKA, Michael, Imaginarios del turismo residencial en Costa Rica. Negociaciones de pertenencia y apropriación simbólica de espacios y lugares: una relación conflictiva, in MAZÓN, T., HUETE, R., MANTECÓN, A., Construir una nueva vida. Los espacios del turismo y la migración residencial, Milrazones, Santander, 2011, ISBN 978-84-937552-4-9. 0,1

JANOSCHKA, Michael, Prácticas de ciudadanía europea. El uso estratégico de las identitades en la participación política de los inmigrantes comunitarios, Arbor, 186 (744), 2010, http://arbor.revistas.csic.es/index.php/arbor/article/viewArticle/1219. 0,1

HUNTER, Alistair Pursell, Theory and Practice of Return Migration at Retirement: The Case of Migrant Worker Hostel Residents in France, Population, Space and Place, 17 (2), 2011, 179-192, doi:10.1002/psp.610. 2,1

TORKINGTON, Kate, The Discursive Construction of Place-Identity: British Lifestyle Migrants in the Algarve, ESG2-Teses, Sapientia, Repositório Instítucional Universidade do Algarve, 2011, https://sapientia.ualg.pt/handle/10400.1/1402. 0,1

PACIULAN, Melissa M., Parental Controls: The Gendered Experiences of Latin American Mothers and Fathers in Canada’s Agricultural Guestworker Programs, Thesis presented at the University of Guelph, Ontario, 2012, https://dspace.lib.uoguelph.ca/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10214/3280/Thesis%20revised.pdf?sequence=2. 0,1

GOEL, Urmila, 'Half Indians', Adopted 'Germans' and 'Afghan Indians'. On Claims of 'Indianness' and their contestations in Germany, Transforming Cultures eJournal, 3 (1), 2008, ISSN 1833-8542, http://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/journals/index.php/TfC/article/view/676/. 0,1

SCHUERKENS, Ulrike, Reviews: Anghel Remus Gabriel, Eva Gerharz, Gilberto Rescher and Monika Salzbrunn, eds., The Making of World Society: Perspectives from Transnational Research. Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag, 2008, 329 pp., ISBN 9783899428353, International Sociology, 25, 2010, 219-222, http://iss.sagepub.com/content/25/2/219.refs. 1,98

POINTS: 18.24

Migration and Its Consequences for Romania, Südosteuropa 57(4) 386-403. (TWO AUTHORS)

CAREJA, Romana, ANDREß, Hans-Jürgen, Making Migration Work. A Study of the Developmental Impact of Return Migration in Romania and Republic of Moldova, Research Report, Universität zu Köln, 2010, http://www.iss-wiso.uni-koeln.de/fileadmin/sites/soziologie/pdf/Forschungsprojekte/making_migration_work.pdf. 0,2

WERSCHING, Simone, Migration in Romania between 1944 and 1989 and twenty years later: An account of the Banat Region , in KAHL, Thede, SCHIPPEL, Larisa, Kilometer Null. Politische Transformation und gesellschaftliche Entwicklungen in Rumänien seit 1989, 199-230, Frank & Timme Verlag, 2009, ISBN 978-3-86596-344-4. 0,2

LAZAR, Mirela, BOICU, Ruxandra, Media Representation of Community Identity: The Romanians Working in Spain, Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations, 4, 2012, 125-140, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=8568cd0b-c8e1-41ba-97f7-f91856eb290f&articleId=04d33772-c56d-49f4-b272-a536fe9b052d. 0,2

COSTOIU, Andrada, Trans Europeans. Class, Immigration, Transnationalism, Center for Ethic and Morality, University of Irvine, California, http://www.ethicscenter.uci.edu/files/ethicscenter/docs/2011/costoiu_11.pdf. 0,2

PLETEA, Irina Gabriela, Les visages de la migration roumaine récente dans la presse du pays d’origine et des pays de destination, Revista Română de Comunicare și Relații Publice, 4/2012, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=8568cd0b-c8e1-41ba-97f7-f91856eb290f&articleId=0e0bd5b0-af4c-4887-80c6-44ba888e4098. 0,2

POINTS: 1

Sociologia Migrației. Teorii și Studii de Caz Românesc, Polirom 2009. (TWO AUTHORS)

MIHĂILESCU, Vintilă, Etnografii urbane, Polirom, 2009, ISBN 978-973-46-1574-2. 0,2

FILIPOV, Ina, Migrația – Element al Dezvoltării Comunităților Locale, International Conference of Young Researchers, Chișinău, Moldova, 2010, http://www.pro-science.asm.md/conf/conf_2010.pdf. 0,2

SEMENIUC, Sorin Cristian, Migranții, între noua limbă și gândirea românească, Sfera Politicii 4(158), 93-99, 2011, http://www.sferapoliticii.ro/sfera/158/art11-Semeniuc.php. 0,2

NEDELCU, Mioara, VRÂNCEANU, Elena Simona, Romanian Post-Communist Migration. Issues Regarding Immigrants Integration, Științe Politice 4, 76-87, 2009, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=60eec934-aa2b-4a7c-bc23-c7464acd93dc&articleId=6f63581a-847a-4d89-8a08-cc9f383b6b97. 0,2

HORVÁT István, Migrația Etnică din România. Între Exil și Căutare, Sfera Politicii 137, 34-38, 2009, http://www.sferapoliticii.ro/sfera/pdf/Sfera_137.pdf. 0,2

DINCĂ, Melinda, CEAUȘESCU, Anca, Implications of migration flows on the community life of a Romanian village. A case study of Biled, Timis County, Romania, Ethnologia Balkanica: Migration in, from, and to Southeastern Europe. Part 2, ways and strategies of migrating, 247-264, 2011, http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=12f4cf1d-d774-42e6-8e9a-d8e9339dd167&articleId=89116857-152a-467e-b91c-3f4af8f01e7e. 0,2

BODÓ, Julianna, Labour Migration from the Szeklerland after the Regime Change. A Review of an Anthropological Research Programme, Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Social Analysis, 1(1) 108-118, 2011, http://www.acta.sapientia.ro/acta-social/C1-1/Social1-7.pdf. 0,2

STAN, Sabina, Romanian Migration to Spain and Its Impact on the Romanian Labor Market, Working Paper 14, Centro d’Estudia Sociologica, Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona, 2009, http://quit.uab.es/pool/files/bin/WP14_Romanian%20migration.pdf. 0,2

MACRI, Ioana, Stories of Love and Hate. Images of ‘Homeland’ in the Identity Narratives of Romanians in Ireland, International Review of Social Research, 1(2), 125-143, 2011, http://www.irsr.eu/issue02/08_Macri_p125-143.pdf. 0,2

MICHALON, Bénédicte, NEDELCU, Mihaela, Introduction: Histoire, constantes et transformations récentes des dynamiques migratoires en Roumanie, Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest, 41, 5-27, 2010, http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/77/14/67/PDF/Michalon_Nedelcu_histoire_mig_Roumanie_RECEO_2010.pdf. 0,48

BOCANCEA, Silvia, Migrația românească de tipul “one way ticket” de la începutul secolului XX, Sfera Politicii, 12 (166), 2011, http://www.sferapoliticii.ro/sfera/166/art11-Bocancea.php. 0,2

LARIONESCU, Andra Letiția, Migrants’ Housing in the Homeland. A Case Study of the Impact of Migration on a Rural Community: The Village of Marginea, Romania, Journal of Comparative Research in Anthropology and Sociology, 3 (2), 2012, http://compaso.eu/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/Compaso2012-32-Larionescu.pdf. 0,2

FERARU, Petronela Daniela, Românii din Torino între integrare, dezintegrare și reintegrare, Editura Lumen, Iași, 2011, ISBN 978-973-166-264-0. 0,2

ȘERBAN, Monica, Dinamica migrației internaționale: un exercițiu asupra migrației românești în Spania, Editura Lumen, Iași, 2011, ISBN 978-973-166-2657. 0,2

KISS, Tamás, Perspectiva administrativă? O analiză comparativă a discursului demografic maghiar din România, Editura ISPMN/Kriterion, Cluj-Napoca, 2009, ISBN 978-606-92223-3-1. 0,2

BENEDEK, József, Románia. Tér, gazdaság, társadalom, ISPMN/Kriterion, Cluj-Napoca, 2011, ISBN 978-606-92744-6-0. 0,2

SANDU, Dumitru, Lumile sociale ale migrației românești în străinătate, Polirom, Iași, 2010, ISBN 978-973-461-6503. 0,2

STOICOVICI, Maria, România ca țară de origine, de tranzit și de destinație a migranților, Revista Română de Sociologie, 23 (5-6), 429-443, 2012, http://www.revistadesociologie.ro/pdf-uri/nr.5-6-2012/06-MStoicovici.pdf. 0,2

SACALEAN, Lucian, Demographic Power-Psychological Effects of the Crisis Among Immigrants-Romanians in Spain, The 6th International Days of Statistics and Economics, September 13-15, Prague, 2012, http://msed.vse.cz/files/2012/Lucian_2_2012.pdf. 0,2

POPA, Nicoleta Laura, Factors of School Achievement in Romanian Children and Youth with a Migration Background, Working Paper presented during the Conference at the University of Ruse, 51 (6.2), 2012, http://conf.uni-ruse.bg/bg/docs/cp12/6.2/6.2-19.pdf. 0,2

ELRICK, Tim, Transnational Migration Networks of Eastern European Labor Migrants, PhD thesis, Freie Universität, Berlin, http://www.diss.fu-berlin.de/diss/receive/FUDISS_thesis_000000010697. 0,2

PLETEA, Gabriela Irina, Les visages de la migration roumaine récente dans la presse du pays d’origine et des pays de destination, Revista Comunicare, 27, Special Issue, 2012, 141-161, http://journalofcommunication.ro/28/pletea_28.pdf. 0,2

BRIE, Mircea, HORGA, Ioan, ȘIPOȘ, Sorin, Ethnicity, Confession and Intercultural Dialogue at the European Union’s East Border, MPRA Paper 44082, 2011, http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/44082/1/MPRA_paper_44082.pdf. 0,2

NETEDU, Adrian, CHIMILEVSCHI, Ada-Marlen, Migration and Intergenerational Relationships, Sociologie și Asistență Socială, 5 (1), 2012, http://anale.fssp.uaic.ro/?titluarhiva=SociologiesiasistentasocialaTomV2012Nr1&publicatie=sociologiesiasistentasociala&chapter=Arhiva&titlucapitol=SOCIALEMPIRICALSTUDIES&article=AdrianNETEDUAda-MarlenCHMILEVSCHIMigrationandIntergenerationalRelationships&lang=ro&worksession=. 0,2

BRAȘOVEANU, Alina, ERASMUS – European Educational Mobility Program and Cross-Cultural Shared Experience and Identity, Studia Europaea 4, 2010, 85-104, http://www.euro.ubbcluj.ro/studia/issues/steur2010_4.pdf. 0,2

LARIONESCU, Andra Letiția, Locuințele migranților în țara de origine. Un studiu de caz despre transformarea locuinței rurale sub impactul migrației internaționale. Comuna Marginea, județul Suceava, Thèse pour le Doctorat en cotutelle internationale de l’Université Bordeaux Segalen, 2012, http://apps.unibuc.ro/studies/index.php?path=Doctorate2013Februarie%2FLARIONESCU+JACOB+ANDRA+LETITIA+-+Locuintele+migrantilor+in+tara+de+origine/. 0,2

MARCU, Silvia, Living Across Borders: The Mobility Narratives or Romanian Immigrants in Spain, Romanian Journal of European Affairs, 12 (3), 2012, 33-50, http://www.ier.ro/documente/rjea_vol12_no3/RJEA_vol_12_no_3_september_2012_-_art.3_.pdf. 0,2

TOADER, Elena, Current Opinions of Doctors and Decisional Factors on the Migration of the Romanian Physicians: A Study of Several Mass-Media Statements, Revista de cercetare și intervenție socială, 37, 2012, 144-161, http://www.rcis.ro/images/documente/rcis37_08.pdf. 0,2

RAȚ, Cristina, Disempowering Inclusion – Family Policies, Social Assistance Schemes and the Situation of Roma Mothers in Romania, Paper presented at the Nordic Conference ‘Intentions, Interactions and Paradoxes in Post-Socialist Space,’ 24-25 May, 2013, Helsinki, http://sparex-ro.eu/wp-content/uploads/Paper_CRat_2013_Helsinki.pdf. 0,2

ICHIM, Vasile-Liviu, Reasons of Labour Force Migration in Romania, 7th International Scientific Conference ‘Business and Management 2012’, May 10-11, 2012, Vilnius, http://leidykla.vgtu.lt/conferences/BM_2012/social_and_economics/639_646_Ichim.pdf. 0,2

CIOBANU, Oana Ruxandra, A Stage Approach to Transnational Migration, Migrant Narratives from Rural Romania, Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Department of Sociology, University of Osnabrück, 2010, http://repositorium.uni-osnabrueck.de/bitstream/urn:nbn:de:gbv:700-201007306415/19/thesis_ciobanu.pdf. 0,2

POINTS: 6.48

Come hanno fatto i rumeni ad arrivare in Italia? in, Colombo, Asher, Sciortino, Giuseppe, Stranieri in Italia: Trent’anni Dopo, Il Mulino. Bologna, pp. 19-48.

MANCINI, Giovanna, Luca, Chi vuole tornare a casa? Storie di emigrazione dalla Romania, Fareantropologia 2009. 0,4

MASSINI, Andrea, Il welfare invisibile: migrazioni, lavoro e legami transnazionali delle collaboratrici domestiche tra Italia e Romania, University of Pisa PhD thesis, 2010, http://etd.adm.unipi.it/t/etd-11142010-182258/. 0,4

TRIANDAFYLLIDOU, Anna, RECCHI, Ettore, Crossing Over, Heading West and South: Mobility, Citizenship and Employment in the Enlarged Europe, in MENZ, N.G., CAVIEDES; A., (ed) Labour Migration in Europe, London: Palgrave MacMillan, 127-149. 2010, ISBN 978-023027-4822. 0,4

POINTS: 1.2

Milano Centrale. Status ilegal, piețe de muncă și practici transnaționale la migranți români la Milano, Sociologie Românească, vol III nr.2, Polirom.

LUCA, Lucian, Taking the shortcut to the EU: leaving for the US. The Temporary Summer Migration of Eastern European Students, in, Challenges of Europe. Inclusion and Exclusion in Contemporary European Societies, 2010, http://inclusionexclusion.eu/…/Luca-Lucian.doc. 0,4

BADEA, Camelia Virginia, Migrația de Revenire, Studiu de Caz în satul Speriețeni, un sat în tranziție, Editura Lumen, 2009, ISBN 978-973-166-1452. 0,4

MIHĂILESCU, Vintilă, Etnografii urbane, Polirom, 2009, ISBN 978-973-46-1574-2. 0,4

OTOVESCU, Adrian, Trăsături identitare ale imigranților români din Italia, Revista Română de Sociologie, serie nouă, 23 (5-6), 445-462, 2012, http://www.revistadesociologie.ro/pdf-uri/nr.5-6-2012/07-Otovescu.pdf. 0,4

POINTS: 1.6

La Migration Internationale: Panacée ou Entrave au Développement Local? Etude du Changement Social Récent dans une Ville Roumaine de Forte Émigration, R.E.C.E.O. Revue d’études Comparatives Est-Ouest 41 (4), 73-96, 2010.

MICHALON, Bénédicte, NEDELCU, Mihaela, Introduction: Histoire, constantes et transformations récentes des dynamiques migratoires en Roumanie, Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest, 41, 5-27, 2010, http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/77/14/67/PDF/Michalon_Nedelcu_histoire_mig_Roumanie_RECEO_2010.pdf. 0,4

POINTS: 0,4

TOTAL AMOUNT: 136,71