Land 2020, 9, x doi: FOR PEER REVIEW www.mdpi.comjournal land [629661]

Land 2020, 9, x; doi: FOR PEER REVIEW www.mdpi.com/journal/ land
Article 1
Restricted freedom to travel in the context of city 2
landscaping ꓽ the case of Vilnius Pop -up Beach, 3
Lithuania 4
Rasa Pranskuniene 1* and Dalia Perkumiene 1 5
1 Faculty of Bioeconomy Development, Vytautas Magnus University Agriculture Academy, Universiteto str. 6
10, LT -53361 Akademija, Kaunas distr., Lithuania 7
* Correspondence: [anonimizat]; Tel .: +370 -615-18332 8
Received: date; Accepted: date; Published: date 9
Abstract: This interdisciplinary research article raise s the question of whether restricted freedom to 10
travel can affect city landscaping. It also disclose s how are solutions for city landscaping in the times 11
of restricted freedom are implemented . The research aim ed to discuss the theoretical aspects related 12
to restrict ions on travel and city landscaping , and to conduct an empirical study o f experiences of 13
the Vilnius Pop -up Beach, Lithuania. The study employe d comparative theoretical analysis and a 14
synthesis of the scientific literature, and thematic analysis was undertaken for the empirical study. 15
The thematic analysis selected for the empirical study, according to Clarke and Braun [1], is flexible 16
and not limit ed to any particular theory or system, so was able to reveal the experiences and public 17
opinion , including that expressed in the media , relating to the Vilnius Pop -up Beach . Thematic 18
analysis resulted in the identification of several themes ꓽ "Nostalg ia for heroic landscape", "Changing 19
memory landscape" , and "Enjoying the landscape of freedom" , which demonstrated the controversy 20
surrounding the changing city landscape . The analysis show ed the interaction between various 21
layers of city landscap ing. The r esults of this theoretical and empirical research highlight the 22
importance in future sustainable landscape development of paying attention to the different city 23
voices . These should be heard and respected when considering the unique landscap e of the past, 24
present , and future , and it s impact on city memor ies. 25
Keywords: city landscaping ; freedom to travel ; right to the city . 26
27
1. Introduction 28
The outbreak of coronavirus disease (COVID -19) in most countries has led to increasing efforts 29
to restrict the free movement of individuals. Health concerns have always steered urban planning 30
and the design of cities, as noted by Moritz , citing Wintle [2]. Hooper [3] noted that in late medieval 31
times, wealthy residents of European cities often retreated from cities during plagues. Newman Leigh 32
[4] argues that pandemics have marked the urban landscape. Pandemics and new diseases, as Hall 33
et al. [5] point out, have long had a transformational effect on environments and societies. Restrictions 34
on travel have slowed, but not stopped, the free movement of persons, while also not reduc ing the 35
need and desire of individuals to travel or seek alternatives to travel. According to Jasiński [6], the 36
coronavirus COVID -19 outbreak and its immediate impact on all aspects of human life have changed 37
the way we use public space in our cities. Amongst the burgeoning discussions and research related 38
to tourism and COVID -19, as Sigala [7] and Strielkowski [8] note , the public is calling for the 39
pandemic to be universally seen and used as a transformative opportunity . Although discrete 40
perspectives on COVID -19 certainly hold value, Wen et al . [8] point out that interdisciplinary research 41
can play a key role in navigating this unprecedented global health crisis . Moreover, interdisciplinary 42
study is widely considered a source of innovation and a worthwhile means of tackling complex 43
problems . According to Terkenli [10,11], the multidisciplinary field of landscape studies is ever 44

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evolving, consolidating gains and breaking ground in slow but steady steps. Terkenli [11] notes that 45
it has been previously argued that the relationship between tourism and the landscape is irrevocab le, 46
uncontested, and even essential to tourism. The landscape is made up of a multitude of “modules” 47
and “layers”, as Bruns [12] points out, making it necessary to bring together as many different 48
disciplines as possible . 49
In this interdisciplinary research article, we raise the question of whether restricted freedom to 50
travel can affect city landscaping . We also question how the solutions to city landscaping in times of 51
restricted freedom are experienced . Thus, t his research aime d to discuss the theoretical aspects of 52
restricted freedom to travel and city landscaping , and to conduct an empirical study o f the 53
experiences of the Vilnius Pop -up Beach, located in Vilnius, Lithuania. 54
The object chosen for the empirical research , the temporary Vilnius Pop -up Beach , is installed in 55
Lukiškės Square. Lukiškės Square was form ed in the green suburb s of Vilnius [13] and the image of 56
the city center has changed considerably during its history. With the intensification of the 57
surrounding settlement, the trapezoidal shape of the space was evident, buildings of substantial 58
architectural stylistic emerged , and the functionality of the space changed: broad suburban fields, 59
used as a market p lace, gradually decreased , and the planting of trees in lines as a space perimeter 60
resulted in the appearance of representativenes s [13]. During the Tsarist occupation of Russia, the 61
space was even used for the demonstration during the 1863 rebellious exec ution . Polish military 62
parades were conducted t here, and in the Soviet era the area was turned into an ideological square 63
in front of the KGB palace (Committee of State Security ) in which a Lenin monument was built . 64
Following the restoration of Lithuania ’s independence, dismantling of the statue symbolized the final 65
victory of freedom [13]. Thus, the main objective and challenge here is to reflect the expectations of 66
all social groups in a huge public space [14]. There is a long history related to the estab lishment of 67
the new public monument of Lukiškės Square [13]. It appeared that the debate about Lukiškės Square 68
had ended and that the new image should be universally accepted [15]. 69
This article is organized as follows: literature review, research setting, materials and methods, 70
results, discussion, and concluding insights are presented in subsequent sections . The literature 71
review is d ivided into three sub sections : analyzing restrictions on the right to travel resulting from 72
Coronavirus Disease 2019 ; the hi story of the concept of the right to the city ; and a theoretical 73
discussi on of the city, urbanization , and urban transformation . The research setting, and materials 74
and methods , present the object and its context, and describes the methodology and data used . The 75
empirical results are presented in the results section. The discussion section discusses theoretical and 76
empirical insights , and this article finishes with conclu sions. 77
2. Literature Review 78
As an introduction to the research topic, the theoretical part of this article analyzes the 79
restrictions on the right to travel due to COVID -19 (Section 2.1), discusses the influence of the 80
historical urban background and the right to the city as a common frame work (Section 2.2), and 81
examin es urbanization and urban transformation ( Section 2.3). 82
2.1. Restrictions of the Right to Travel due to Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID -19) 83
When a nalyzing the restrictions related to the free movement of persons and the right to travel 84
during the coronavirus disease COVID -19 pandemic, the fundamental and most important human 85
rights, such as the right to health and the right to life , should be respected . The human right to health 86
and freedom of movement are fundamental and universal, and both rights create immediate 87
obligations on states. The existence of these two rights in the context of migration and travel , and, in 88
particular , recommendations that limit active recruitment or promote self -sufficiency policies as part 89
of an ethical code of practice, does not compromise a state’s ability to honor both of these rights. In 90
sum mary , the tension between the two internationally accepted human rights remains in large part 91
due to perception rather than being strictly dictated by h uman rights law [16]. 92

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It should be noted that the limitations related to the restriction of free movement and the right 93
to travel are not a new phenomenon . For example, in July 1979 an outbreak of influenza after a 94
prolonged stay aboard a commercial airliner in Alaska was reported . As Fricker and Steffen [17] 95
noted, while unable to take off, the aircraft ventilation system was shut off. Toebes [18] noted that 96
global mobility has only rarely resulted in a significant public health impact; lately, this was the case 97
with HIV and SARS, which would have spread at a slower pace before the popularization of air 98
travel . Baker [19] argued that travelers should be considered an integral part of the global surveillance 99
network for emerging infections. 100
An analysis of the legal literature and court cases reveals that there are also several violations 101
regarding the restriction of rights related to the protection of national security and public health [20]. 102
For example, in court decision I/A Court H.R., Mat ter of the Penitentiary Complex of Curado , Brazil 103
(2016) , the commission noted that Brazil had not presented a detailed plan to provide medical 104
assistance to inmates with contagious diseases such as tuberculosis [21]. According to Page [22], the 105
most diffi cult part of any quarantine law is determining how much to protect individual rights and 106
liberties while keeping the public healthy and safe. It should be noted that the right to free movement 107
of persons is fundamental, but it is not absolute. Article 3 of The Universal Declaration of Human 108
Rights guarantee s that everyone has the right to life, liberty , and security of person [23]. The security 109
of all citizens , the right to life as a fundamental and indisputable right , and a safe environment must 110
be ensured. Under Directive 2004/38/ec of the European Parliament and of the Council [24] 111
“procedural safeguards should also be specified in detail in order to ensure a high level of protection 112
of the rights of Union citizens a nd their family members in the event of their being denied leave to 113
enter or reside in another Member State, as well as to uphold the principle that any action taken by 114
the authorities must be properly justified“ [24 Art. 29 ]. Under Art. 29 , the only diseases that justify 115
measures restricting freedom of movement shall be those with epidemic potential as defined by the 116
relevant instruments of the World Health Organization , and other infectious diseases or contagious 117
parasitic diseases if they are the subject to protection provisions applying to nationals of the host 118
Member State. 119
Governments of most countries have increasingly sought to restrict the freedom of movement 120
of individuals in response to the coronavirus disease (COVID -19). The restri ctions of t ravel have 121
slowed but not stopped the spread of the pandemic, and the necessity and benefits of this health 122
protection are outweighed by violations of international law. According to Art. 43 of the International 123
Health Regulations, which are binding on all Member States of the World Health Organization, 124
health measures "shall not be more restrictive of international traffic and shall not be more invasive 125
or intrusive to humans than reasonably available alternatives" [25,26] . Meier et al . [27] suggest, in the 126
context of public health measures such as social isolation and the effectiveness of contact tracing, the 127
need for travel bans compared to less restrictive alternatives, thus avoiding global fragmentation and 128
violati on of international human ri ghts. International human rights law, in particular the 129
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), requires that restrictions on rights 130
based on public health or national emergencies be lawful, necessary, and proportionate [28]. 131
To sum marize , freedom of movement under international human rights law , in principle 132
protects and guarantees the lawful and free movement of every citizen throughout the country, and 133
the right to leave any country. It should be noted that restrictions on these r ights can only be imposed 134
when they are lawful for a legitimate aim and when the restrictions are proportionate, including their 135

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consequences. Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID -19) is one reason for the implementation of legal 136
travel bans and restrictions on the freedom of movement, because these restriction s are intended to 137
protect the health and possibly even the lives of citizens. 138
2.2. Historical Urban Background and the Right to the Cit y as a Common Frame work 139
When talk ing about restrictions on the free movement of persons, alternative travelling 140
possibilities should be examined . This includes local travel within the country, increasing the demand 141
for places to visit , and methods to attract more visitors. This situation encompasses the right to the 142
city. Historically, it is understood that Athens, the state (polis), is the birthplace of citizenship. 143
Manville et al . [29] noted that during this period, citizenship was perceived as a powerful political 144
and legal instrument that united the city as a political community and allowed citizens to express the 145
affairs of the city in exchange. 146
According to Calabi [30], towns and ci ties are products of history. Between the 15th and 17th 147
centuries , the commercial districts of large cities such as Venice, Paris, London, Amsterdam, Seville, 148
and Antwerp changed dramatically. The researcher argues [30] that modern chronicles often describe 149
urban squares and early markets , or land and building uses , that are characterized by specific changes 150
in function. There are also many images reminiscent of the prosperity of some major cities, of which 151
the impressions of travelers are often the most effective, although not always the most accurate [30]. 152
Veirier [31] explores the historical aspects of the city, noting how actions are limited when they focus 153
only on buildings, without considering the inhabitants, net work s, locations, and interactions with its 154
wider area. The development that takes place between the suburbs and the center (especially in city 155
squares) must facilitate access to the center, which depends on its access and development. The 156
process of revising historic districts must be consistent with the multifaceted nature of urban 157
development and its reality; it must meet the needs of all citizens and consumers. 158
Lefebvre [32] (179 p. ) argue s that the “Right to the City” is the right to “urban life, to renewe d 159
centrality, to places of encounter and exchange, to life rhythms and time uses, enabling the full and 160
complete usage of… moments and places.” The right to the city includes areas such as: public space 161
and transport, citizens' rights to water; immigrati on and urban renewal; urbanization of cities; 162
financial aspects; globalization and the consolidation of major cities; justice, spatial imagination; 163
political aspects; and adaptation of urban squares to public needs, landscape planning , and change. 164
Purcell [33] explains Lefebvre’s [32] theory, arguing that the right to the city would restructure the 165
power relations which underlie urban space, transferring control from the capital and the state to 166
urban inhabitants. Purcell argues: “with respect to the right to the city, avoiding the local trap means 167
we must move beyond a right to the city and think more in terms of a right to inhabit space” [34] (p. 168
103). Harvey [35,36] defines the right to the city as the individual’s freedom to use urban resources 169
(including space, services, and infrastructure) and the ability to exercise collective power to reshape 170
urbanization processes. Marcuse [37] argues that the right to the city implies both the protest of 171
marginalized groups (poor, homeless, or persecuted) and groups that, while integrated into the 172
existing system, fail to realize their full potential. The first group includes excluded social groups and 173
the low -paid working clas s. In the second group of scholars, the representatives are alienated from 174
the middle and upper classes, especially young people and members of the intelligentsia, artists, and 175
officials. The frustration of both groups is that the city’s services and initi atives do not meet the 176
expectations and needs of these groups [38]. Shaw and Graham [39] discuss the concept of 177

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information right s in the city, which is useful for understanding the power of an information 178
monopoly such as Google. The control of information monopolies, according to scientists, provides 179
an opportunity to restore and manage the urban space itself. Lima et al . [40], in discussing the right 180
to the city, note the importance of regulating the use of urban property as a key tool for urban 181
development, taking into account the collective good, the well -being of citizens, and sustainable 182
development. 183
Zeybekoglu [41] investigates the relationship between the transformation of cities and the right 184
to the city . The researcher raises the challenges posed by modern urbanization, such as social 185
exclusion, poverty , and environmental degradation. The author discusses the righ t to the city and its 186
relationship to these global urban issues [41]. According to the United Nations, the population of 187
megacities increased from 10 to 28 between 1990 and 2014 and is expected to increase to 41 mega – 188
cities with 10 million inhabitants by 2030 . By 2050 it will grow to account for 66% of the world's 189
population [42]. Thus, Lefebvre [32] notes that the production of urban space also means 190
“reproducing the social relations that are bound up in it” [32] (p. 39). For this reason, significantly 191
more than planning is required of the physical space; “it involves producing and reproducing all 192
aspects of urban life” [32] (p. 158). The right to the city involves two fundamental rights for urban 193
inhabitants: the right to oeuvre (participation) and the right to appropriation. The right to 194
participation asserts that inhabitants of the city must play a central role in all decisions contributing 195
to the production of urban life. The right to appropriation is the right to physical access, presence , 196
and use , and can be summarized as inhabitants’ physical existence in the urban space [34]. 197
Bertuzzi [43] highlights the relationship between mega events and government structures and 198
the right to the city, given the importance gained by the city during the years of mobilization. Siokas 199
et al . [44] discuss ed the city right in an attempt to evaluate and analyze the strategic actions of the 200
Greek Municipalities from an internal and external perspective of a public authority. Results show ed 201
that most local authorities try to formulate a coherent framework to efficiently utilize available 202
resources , and enhance the productivity and quality of the services provided. 203
The c ity right is closely related to modern and smart cities. According to Chourabi et al . [45] and 204
Neirotti et al . [46], most modern cities attempt to align the ir innovative digital applications and 205
various “smart” projects with a well -organized strategic policy and roadmap with clear targets, 206
objectives, and roles. Kim et al . [47] find the significance of smart cities lies in not having techn ology 207
itself but using technology with a novel approach to solve urban problems, enhance the quality of 208
life for urban residents, and optimize government performance. Such an approach includes 209
scientifically processing civic query data (including complaint s, suggestions, and inquir ies) about a 210
city and planning the city such that its policies reflect its residents' voices to ensure "throughput 211
legitimacy." 212
According to Marcuse [37], the right to the city includes people who are unable to meet their 213
basic needs and exercise their fundamental rights ; people who are excluded from the system and 214
exploited by others; and those who are rejected and oppressed because of their social and cultural 215
identity. The right to the city is not a set of individualistic, ind ividual rights to some of the listed 216
provisions and amenities of the existing legal system, but a collective and holistic right to say that 217
that system would be better. Marcuse [37] explains the concept of the city of Lefebvre [32] as the 218
future of the cit y and the right to the city. Contrary to the general understanding and interpretation 219
of the city as an existing location with a physical reality and materiality, the concept of the future city 220

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implies an ideal urban society that implements “justice, democ racy, full development of human 221
potential or opportunities, for all according to their needs, for all according to their abilities, the 222
recognition of human differences” [37] (p. 193). 223
In summary, the Lefebvre [32] concept, applied decades ago, can be also adapted to today’s city, 224
considering the latest urban trends and social transformations, the growing urban population, and 225
new technologies, population needs , and expectations. There is no denying Lefebvre’s [32] conviction 226
that decision -making proces ses in cities need to be redesigned to involve the urban population more 227
effectively in the decisions that shape their environment and, at the same time, that the urban 228
landscape is still relevant to today’s cities. 229
230
2.3. Urbanization and Urban Transformation 231
232
When analyzing urban landscaping, it is important to discuss urbanization and urban 233
transformation. In the living age of planetary urbanization and urban transformation , in which 234
changes are taking place at an extremely rapid pace and no longer seem surprising, some of the 235
problems facing cities today are unprecedented in the history of urbanization. According to Brenner 236
and Schmid [48], what we have understood as a city has change d over the past 30 years , in terms of 237
both scale and function. It should be noted that with the further expansion of global urbanization, 238
sustainable development is increasingly dependent on successful management of urban growth, 239
especially in low – and mid dle-income countries, in which urbanization and urban transformation is 240
most likely to be achieved by 2050. Both urban and rural populations are needed to strengthen the 241
links between urban and rural areas and build on their existing economic, social , and environmental 242
links [48]. Statistical analysis shows that by 1950, 59 percent of the population in high -income 243
countries was already living in cities, and that share is expected to increase further, from 81 percent 244
today to nearly 88 percent by 2050 [49]. As noted by The Commission on Population and 245
Development , the future of the world’s population is urban [50]. 246
The share of the urban population in many regions , and the number and size of cities , will 247
continue to grow due to many factors, including urban birth surpluses due to urban deaths, rural -to- 248
urban migration and migration from abroad [51], and urbanization of former rural areas. Cohen [52] 249
emphasizes that urbanization and urban transformati on promotes economic growth, reduces 250
poverty, and promotes inclusive human development. Cities develop and have the infrastructure 251
needed to share knowledge and information. It should be noted that urban dwellers are often 252
younger, more highly educated, and at the same time more demanding of various social services and 253
entertainment . They are also more open to innovation and interesting solutions, such as an artificial 254
beach in the town square, even if such a solution may stand out from the context of the urban 255
landscape [39]. 256
Policies to limit rural –urban migration are generally ineffective in preventing urban growth and 257
may even undermine economic, social , and environmental protection. The goal and aspiration of 258
sustainable urbanization and urban transformation is to provide cities with sufficient income and 259
adequate employment opportunities; ensure the necessary water and sanitation, energy, transport , 260
and communication infrastructure; reduce the number of people living in slums; and preserve a 261
healthy environment [49]. Historically, the transition in the city has been associated with economic 262

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development. In Europe and North America, rapid urbanization in the 19th and 20th centuries was 263
accompanied by industrialization and rapid economic growth [53]. 264
People have been , and continue to be , attracted to cities by greater educational and employment 265
opportunities, especially in the industrial and service sectors. Grübler and Fisk [54] note that 266
urbanization and urban transformation is recognized as a positive force for economic growth and 267
poverty reduction, and for human development. According to researchers, about 80 percent of the 268
world’s gross domestic product (GDP) is generated in cities . However, depopulation in many cities 269
in W estern Europe, Canada, and New Zealand does not appear to have had a negative impact on the 270
quality of life of the population [53], the modernization of public services, or the promot ion of a new 271
governance of cooperation by strengthening the involvement of citizens and the local community 272
[54]. 273
According to Hildebrandt [56, 57], urban conflicts related to urban landscaping are affected by 274
enormous rates of urbanization, data collection, and environmental pressures. In this article, we do 275
not analyze in detail the means of resolving conflicts, but only want to draw attention to their 276
importance in decision making related to urban landscaping . Nagenborg [58] suggests adapting a set 277
of values that can be used in leadership and conflict resolution. A set of values can help determine 278
how these conflicts are ultimately resolved, whether in terms of effectiveness, control, inclusion , or 279
otherwise, in addition to informing urban policy. Speaking about a set of values for conflict solving 280
in decision making, Bingham [59] emphasizes the accessibility and predictability of the law, in 281
addition to the transparency and accountability of public authorities, compliance with the rule of law , 282
and the right to a fair trial. 283
When discussing urban transformation and its importance for urban landscaping , it is expedient 284
to analyze urban activism, which has a significant influence on landscape fo rmation. According to 285
Domaradzka [60], the urban landscape is also influenced by the mobilization of the city, which 286
manifests itself in various ways, such as the involvement of traditional civil society organizations, in 287
addition to protest initiatives or political movements for environmental and social justice. As 288
Bitusíková [61] emphasizes, urban activism is now seen as an important area of urban governance 289
processes and, at the same time, as part of landscape formation, and activists increasingly partic ipate 290
in urban politics and influence decision making through legal instruments and participatory 291
practices. Frantzeskaki et al. [62] note that , due to the huge wave of urban growth throughout history, 292
more than half of the world’s population lives in citi es, and urban issues have become drivers of 293
major policy and actors in civil society globally . Domaradzka [60] highlights the increased mobility 294
of the population and the growing interest of citizens in semi -public and public space s focused on 295
building new local or lifestyle communities. Burbank et al . [63] note that urban regimes correspond 296
to broad private –public coalitions, often involving actors from across the political spectrum. The se 297
usually arise in response to a crisis or, more generally, to revitalize the image of a city while 298
promoting specific interests. According to Sassen [64], urban spaces are currently taking on a new 299
meaning as venues for local meetings and performances , and for supporting new social and political 300
realities. Keymolen and Voorwinden [65] also focus on the city as a political place. Researchers have 301
analy zed how both the technologies and the ideas on which smart cities are built displace trust and 302
the rule of law as two important conditions for the city as a thriving political community. The authors 303
also argue that current civic engagement in urban projects is not enough to create and contribute to 304

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a true political community and suggest evaluating active citize nship in the context of a smart city and 305
urban landscaping [65]. 306
Skaloš and Kašparová [66] note that the landscape has an indisputable cultural and historical 307
value, although it does not contain any special natural or cultural objects, because it reflects the long – 308
term relationship between people and the place in which they spent their entire lives. Researchers 309
use the term “landscape memory” , which in the opinion of the authors is strictly purposeful and quite 310
metaphorical. A large part of the memory of the landscape consists of built -up areas and 311
communications [66]. Another important factor that affect s landscape formation is a freedom of 312
landscape , which can help draw attention to problematic associations of autonomy and limitation 313
[67]. Landscape can also be associated with nostalg ia. Lowenthal [68] links the origins of nostalg ia 314
with attachment to scenes from his childhood homeland, and sees nostalgia as an exaggerated love 315
for the past and a sense of the future. According to Lowenthal , nostalgia can help to feel a deeper 316
connection with the past, and people’s associations and memories are important for shaping the 317
landscape [68]. 318
After discussing the factors such as the right to the city, urbanization, and the effect of urban 319
transformation on the urban landscape, we now present the empirical research of the experiences of 320
the changing landscape in Lukiškės Square , Vilnius, which was been transformed into the temporary 321
Vilnius Pop -up Beach . 322
323
324
3. Research setting, Materials and Methods 325
326
As previously mentioned, t he setting for this research into the experiences of a changing 327
landscape is the temporary transformation of Lukiškės Square , Vilnius , into the Vilnius Pop -up 328
Beach. On June 23rd, 2020 the city mayor of Vil nius opened the temporary Vilnius Pop -up Beach and 329
noted “If people of Vilnius cannot go to the sea, then the sea will come to Vilnius" . Thus, Lukiškės 330
Square, the largest square in the city, was turned into an “Open Beach” (Fig. 1). White sand, wooden 331
paths, sun loungers, a lifeguard tower , and changing booths invite visitors to experience Vilnius as a 332
summer holiday place. 333
334
335
Figure 1. Photo collage of Vilnius Pop -up Beach . Photo collage made by authors. 336

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337
The project creatively deals with one of the hardest consequences of quarantine —restricted 338
freedom to travel and strongly affected vacation plans [13]. “We could not ignore the fact that many 339
people had to drastically change their already planned vacation due to quarantine” , said the mayor. 340
Because the city had previously proved itself open for creative solutions in difficult times, the mayor 341
says this idea was no exception: “The popular seaside resorts of Southern Europe are not easily 342
accessible at the moment, and our Baltic Sea beaches will be over packed this summer. That’s why we 343
needed a solution to help people recoup some of that vacation vibe on Vilnius’ very own beach” [72]. 344
However, following the initiative of the Vilnius mayor, the artificial beach installed in Lukiškės 345
Square has received ambiguous evaluations and numerous criticisms. This artificial beach positioned 346
in the city center , including sunbeds, sand , and a changing cabin , has been the subject of significant 347
discussion among the public, politicians , and archit ects. According to Linden , architect Čaikauskas 348
[69] noted that , although the water near the sand gushes only from stationary fountains, the stormy 349
sea of texts and opinions spilled into the public space testifies that the development had a significant 350
effect. Both the State Commission for Cultural Heritage, whose members consider that such a beach 351
is incompatible with the historical and memorial significance of the location , and the State 352
Commission for the Lithuanian Language (VLKK), which was struck by foreign inscriptions on the 353
beach, expressed their opinion. The head of VLKK call ed the beach in Lukiškės Square in the capital 354
a "moral crime for the Lithuanian language" due to the English inscriptions. The Seimas quickly 355
reacted to the beach in Lukiškės Square, adopting the Law on the Memorial Status of Lukiškės Square 356
in Vilnius, which established that it is the main representative square of the Lithuanian state and was 357
formed in memor y of the struggles for freedom. The se memorial accents reflect the st ruggle for the 358
independence of Lithuania and the memory of the fighters who died in 1863–1864 , as the place of 359
execution of the rebels , and the commemoration of this uprising. This law relating to Lukiškės Square, 360
adopted by the Seimas, was also signed by the President of the Republic of Lithuania. 361
Thematic analysis was selected for this study . According to Clarke and Braun [1,70], thematic 362
analysis is flexible, and it not limit ed to any particular theory or system . This allows it to reveal the 363
experiences of the changing landscape of the transformation of Lukiškės Square into the temporary 364
Vilnius Pop -up Beach. Clarke and Braun [1] view thematic analysis as theoretically flexible and suited 365
to a wide range of research interests and theoretical perspectives, and useful as a “basic” method , 366
because it works with a wide range of research questions, from those about people’s experiences or 367
understandings , to those about the representation and construction of particular phenomena in 368
particular contexts. Braun et al . [71] point out that, since the publication of our original article in 2006, 369
thematic analysis has gained hugely in popularity, and entered the “canon” as a recognizable and 370
reputable method of qualitative analysis, evidenced by its inclusion in volumes such as this. The 371
flexibility of thematic analysis, as Braun [70] note s, means it can be used with a wide range of different 372
research designs and data co llection methods, and there it has no “ideal” data type. Data for the 373
thematic analysis of the current study were selected from public reactions and feedback found in 374
official media pages and other media sources [72–76]. Six phases of thematic analysis by Clarke and 375
Braun [1] were used ꓽ familiari zation with the data, coding, searching for themes, reviewing themes, 376
defining and naming themes, and writing up. Analysis here was not viewed as a linear model ; rather , 377
analysis was viewed as a recursive process. 378
379
3. Results 380

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381
The thematic analysis of public opinion in the media , and public reactions and feedback about 382
the Vilnius Pop -up Beach resulted in the identification of several themes ꓽ "Nostalg ia for heroic 383
landscape", "Changing memory landscape" , and "Enjoying the landscape of freedom". 384
The first theme, "Nostalg ia for heroic landscape", connects the following subthemes: 385
"Experiencing the heroic memory", "Experiencing the loss of heroic memory" , and "Intersection of 386
contradictory experiences". 387
The s ubtheme "Experiencing the historic memory" presents the idea of the clarity of the 388
understanding of the historical landscape ꓽ "Some commentators understand neither the purpose of 389
the square nor the mea ning of the characters. After all, elementary decency and common sense. 390
Maybe enough to argue? It was complete nonsense to transport sand to the square; in the historic 391
square to hold all kinds of experiments at the place and point. Where have you grown up , in what 392
families if you don’t understand the essentials?" (F9). The s ubtheme "Experiencing the loss of heroic 393
memory" opens up the discussion about the importance of bringing back the memory ꓽ "Carefully I 394
would go to that square in your place – it brings back the memory. If you have forgotten sins or 395
experiences that you have already been lucky enough to forget, you better not go there!" (F7). This 396
subtheme also deepens the understanding about the importance of responsibility ꓽ "Good order in our 397
country t hat no one is responsible for the stupidity in the most honorable place of the capital. There 398
is no need to cry every day about past events, but history needs to be known and respected " (F3). The 399
discussion here reveals various layers, even the sarcastic q uestioning ꓽ "Surprisingly, I was always 400
sure that we remember the struggles for freedom and the suffering of the people throughout the 401
territory of Lithuania. A demonic place is a beach, maybe you should think about closing all the 402
beaches because we lose memory when we go there?!" (F8). The s ubtheme "Intersection of 403
contradictory experiences" points to a difficult intersection with controversial landscaping ꓽ "It didn’t 404
fit in that stretch to that board with partisan relics. Look across the street at the mo nument to the 405
victims of Stalinism, already stretching across the street. Same as having a funeral in one room, a 406
wedding in another. After all, there are other places for beach fun" (E5). 407
The second theme “Changing memory landscape” is presented through these subthemes ꓽ 408
“Doubting the semantic meaning ” and "Not anymore just a memorial square ”. Because the beach is 409
normally understood as a fun place near the water, th e subtheme “Doubting the semantic meaning“ 410
indicates the public’s attention and its reflect ions about a beach "as a place to have fun is a great idea. 411
But by the river, where the water, greenery. After transporting a ton of sand to the square, Vilnius 412
mayor first of all ignores the elementary established directions of the functional flows of Luk iškės 413
Square and accesses, a certain system of semantic communication of the area" [74]. Another reflection 414
discusses a different semantic meaning , presented as another sarcastic expression ꓽ "we enriched the 415
language: there is an electrical installation, the building installation is another installation, there was 416
also the installation of additional sand, and bringing and pouring sand is an event, and I thought it 417
would work. Significant. Eve ryone realized that this is a high -end beach. And without thinking about 418
hygiene, plunged into pleasures" (F2). The s ubtheme "Not anymore just a memorial square" reveals 419
the understanding of the changing meaning of the square ꓽ "Leave the main Vilnius market square 420
alone! It was no longer a memorial square —it was only when Lenin was standing. The square and 421
the park are dedicated to all the town ’s people and their guests, which was perfectly arranged during 422
the years of mayor and his team. Determining the pur pose, memorials and accents of one square by 423
law violates the simplest principles of legislation, so no matter what city or square it is" (E6). Thus, 424

Land 2020, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 17
the subthemes ꓽ “Doubting the semantic meaning ” and "Not anymore just a memorial square" show 425
the variety of meanings of the changing memory of the landscape. 426
The third theme , “Enjoying the landscape of freedom” , is presented through subthemes, such 427
as "Happy support", "Happy cities", and "Happy landsca ping". The subtheme "Happy support" 428
presents the positive side of the Pop -up Beach ꓽ “Probably for the first time in 30 years of Lithuania's 429
independence, when I support public notes in English. Fountains, half -naked EU / NATO citizens 430
and English words rig ht in front of the former KGB building are the best thing that could have 431
happened to this square. I belong to a generation that still managed to see a sculpture of Lenin in this 432
place. Since then, the square has changed beyond recognition. To the good sid e" (E1). The s ubtheme 433
"Happy cities" shows the examples of other countries ’ experiences about the use of the city landscape ꓽ 434
"Berlin did the same in one of the main squares this year, and even the bar was selling alcohol. For 435
some reason no one was crying there, people were happy to have a place to relax in the city center" 436
(F4). The s ubtheme "Happy landscaping" describes the positive energy of the beach idea ꓽ "I lost sight 437
of that beach rush and still didn't really understand what that beach got into. I di dn’t interfere with 438
what’s getting stuck, but getting stuck. I realized that some people lack monuments and monuments 439
in Vilnius, others stand in the way that the navel is bare, as if there were no of them, and in such 440
weather. I realized that there are ou trageous non -Lithuanian notes. I read that it’s bad that the square 441
is full, and big events can’t yet take place legally. But I didn't find it as bad as the beach. Maybe what 442
did I miss?” (E2). The s ubtheme "Freedom as happiness" represents the understandi ng of the 443
changing meaning of the memory of the landscape and freedom ꓽ "The fact that this beach is located 444
in this place is an association, at least for me and many, that we can finally enjoy our freedom. Because 445
there was a lot in this place, there were demonstrations of both totalitarian regimes, there were really 446
attempts to do bad things, but today we see happy people and we can celebrate that we are winners 447
in the struggle for our freedom" (E3). 448
The thematic analysis of the public opinion in media and public reactions to the Vilnius Pop – 449
up Beach led to discuss ion of the themes ꓽ "Nostalg ia for heroic landscape", "Changing memory 450
landscape" and "Enjoying the landscape of freedom", thus showing the controversy of the changing 451
city landscape . This is discuss ed more fully in the following section. 452
4. Discussion 453
According to Jasiński [6], the outbreak of the COVID -19 pandemic, and the related changes to 454
community life and the functioning of our cities, require s a process of re -addressing the new 455
phenomena . It also requires verif ication of the transformations the public space around us is currently 456
undergoing from the perspective of security , regard ing the numerous costs generated by the anti – 457
virus restrictions and the limitations imposed in the name of pub lic security. A city is a creation , as 458
Jasiński [6] notes, that undergoes continuous spatial transformation, adapting to various economic 459
conditions and responding to diverse social needs . According to Butkus [77, 78], the mutation of the 460
city has a form and the birth of the city is an event . Rubavičius [78] notes that the guidelines for urban 461
identity and redevelopment are determined by the accumulated symbolic capital . Thus, as architect 462
Grunskis [80] notes, the concept of urban public space is now clearly fixed and defined . However, 463
society's expectations of public space s and their different types are changing, and this is happening 464
much more intensively. Grunskis [81] argues that town communities should participate in the process 465
of the formati on of town public spaces. Thus, the discussion about the experiences of the city 466
landscap e are presented via discussi on of the themes of the empirical study ꓽ "Nostalg ia for heroic 467
landscape", "Changing memory landscape" , and "Enjoying the landscape of free dom" . 468

Land 2020, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 12 of 17
Nostalg ia for heroic landscape : Butkus [82] notes that several cultural layers are now 469
“rewritten” on top of a new, unidentifiable cultural layer , “nostalgic historicism”. Thus, thematic 470
analysis of Vilnius Pop -up Beach experiences shows the importance of “nostalgic historicism” with 471
the theme "Nostalgia for heroic landscape" . As a process of remembering that is overtly, and often 472
unashamedly, emotional, as Smith et al. [83] note, nostalgia is an important phenomenon in 473
understanding how the p ast is both brought to bear on the present , and on the development of social 474
and political agendas for the future . Moreover , Palmberger [84] argues that the memories around an 475
idealized past can become powerful tales put forward in support of a shared futu re, and in concrete 476
cross -border interactions to establish common ground. According to Gupta et al [85], emplaced 477
within histories and geographies of neighborhood change, nostalgia creates “affective landscapes” 478
through which residents invoke their closeness to past landscapes of abundance and involvement in 479
community making. 480
Changing memory landscape : It should be noted that the essential theory formed by Lefebvr e 481
[32] in 1968 and the theme "Changing memory landscape" are connected . The Lefebvre theory [32] is 482
the basis and can be further developed in this context by incorporating more recent trends of 483
globalization and urban development, such as landscape change and formation, changing the 484
purpose of urban squares, and adapting them to current tourists and l ocal population needs . In 485
discussi on of changes in the formation of the urban landscap e, we can ask whether we can think of 486
the right to the city as a solution to the problems in the urban space arising from urban regeneration 487
projects and the abstract spa ce’s hegemony on the social space? Suggested in 196 7 by Henri Lefebvre 488
[32], the idea of the right to the city places emphasis on the “need to restructure the power relations 489
that underlie the production of urban space, fundamentally shifting control away from capital and 490
the state and toward urban inhabitants” [33]. 491
Enjoying the landscape of freedom : The right to a city is based on the protection and 492
strengthening of the rights of all residents, especially the poor, ethnic –religious –cultural minorities, 493
refugees, immigrants, nomads, people with disabilities and those at risk of health , and perpetrators 494
of violence, especially the vulnerable, such as the elderly, women, and children [86]. According to 495
Cohen [52], the city is a place where entrepreneurship and technological innovation can flourish, 496
because the city has a well -educated workforce and a concentration of business. Thus, the third theme 497
from the empirical analysis , "Enjoying the landscape of freedom" , can be connected here. With regard 498
to restricted freedom to travel in the context of urban landscaping, we share Marcuse’s [37] view that 499
the right to the city must include people who are unable to meet their basic needs and exercise their 500
fundamental rights, people who are excl uded from the system and exploited by others , and those 501
who are rejected and oppressed because of their social and cultural identity [37]. 502
Thematic analysis of public opinion in media public reactions about the Vilnius Pop -up Beach 503
provoked the discus sion themes ꓽ "Nostalg ia for heroic landscape", "Changing memory landscape" , 504
and "Enjoying the landscape of freedom" , which were revealed as a part of a conflicted debate . Thus , 505
when we talk about key decisions related to the right to a city in the context of u rban landscaping , it 506
should be emphasized that these decisions need to be made in an urban environment , and adaptation 507
of urban spaces and squares for the needs of society is represented by the term “conflict” [87]. It 508
should be noted that , in this context , conflict therefore does not have a negative undertone, nor does 509
it imply physical violence. This term aims to highlight and , at the same time , strengthen the process 510
of political life in the city, when different interests have to allocate limited resourc es and space to 511
creat e a common environment [87]. 512
According to Čaikauskas [69], the current situation thirty years after the restor ation of freedom 513
and the independence of Lithuania shows that the society is still maturing . Differences in individual 514
values are far from disappearing, and may possibly be re ignited. It must be realize d that the meaning 515
of symbols is an important part of the influence of the subconscious ; symbols cannot be treated as 516
mere formal objects that can be interpreted subjectively, acc ording to someone's individual will, 517
under the guise of slogans of artistic freedom of expression. Furthermore, nostalgia should be 518
respected , thus linking the origins of Lowenthal ’s [68] view as the attachment to scenes from his 519
childhood homeland, to nostalgia seen as an exaggerated love for the past and a sense of the future. 520

Land 2020, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 13 of 17
5. Conclu ding insights 521
In the current study, t heoretical analysis of the scientific literature, combined with thematic 522
analysis, revealed the different layers of city landscaping. The theoretical aspects of restricted 523
freedom to travel and city landscaping , and the empirical study o f the experiences of the Vilnius Pop – 524
up Beach, Lithuania , highlighted the importance of conflict phenomena . Thematic analysis of public 525
opinion and reactions in the media about the Vilnius Pop -up Beach identified the themes ꓽ “Nostalg ia 526
for heroic landscape ”, “Changing memory landscape ”, and “Enjoying the landscape of freedom ”, 527
thus revealing the controversy surrounding the changing city landscape. The analysis show ed the 528
interaction between various layers of the city landscape . The results of this theoretical and empirical 529
research highlight the importance in future sustainable landscape development of paying attention 530
to the different city voices. These should be heard and respected when considering the unique 531
landscape of the past, present, and future, and its impact on city memories. Furthermore , it is 532
important to pay attention to the arguments of Scott an d Storper [87], who note that conflicts formed 533
by cities stem directly from their distinctive character as human agglomerations and centers of 534
economic activit y. Similarly pertinent is t he work of Newman Leigh [4], who noted that temporary 535
design measures will help cities survive , but if cities want to prosper , long -term design responses are 536
needed to ensure that equitable and accessible open spaces endure. Finally, special experiences and 537
phenomena, such as nostalg ia, should be respected as an exaggerated love for the past and a sense of 538
the future. 539
Author Contributions: “Conceptualization , R.P. and D.P.; methodology, R.P. and D.P. ; data curation, R.P. and 540
D.P. ; writing—original draft preparation, R.P. and D.P. ; writing—review and editing, R.P. and D.P . Both authors 541
have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript . 542
Funding: This research received no external funding . 543
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest . 544
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