Gabriel Pricină 1 [615972]

METHODOLOGY
AND RESEARCH TECHNIQUES
Anuarul Institutului de Cerc et. Socio-Umane „C.S. Nicol ăescu-Plopșor”, vol. XVII, 2016, pp. 275-283

CAUSES OF ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DECLINE.
ANALOGY WITH THE STOCKHOLM SYNDROME

Gabriel PRICIN Ă∗

Abstract : This article is based on a series of surveys that were conducted in
Strehaia in the Mehedinti County. The statis tical analyzes performed by consulting the
database of the National Institute of Statistic s, supplemented by field research regarding
the prospects of development of the city have revealed that the level of development is
low, and in the last twelve years have been missing a strategic thinking required for the
community development. Local pride, the lack of vision and institutional objectives
limited the institutional efforts to the elec toral cycles and the fatality invoking as a
cause of the current problems.

Keywords: community development, public institutions, symbolic capital,
Stockholm syndrome, elite.
INTRODUCTION
Romanian society undergoes a perpetua l crisis since 1989, characterized by
the social, economic and value decline. Th e symbolic capital is disrupted in the
absence of some benchmarks that can gua rantee the individually or collectively
success. The inspired comparison of the sociology professor Dumitru Sandu in the
work: “the sociological transition with a trip that of a social group is moving
towards a specific destination, defined as indicators of quality of life”. To what
extent these destinations are thankful for all social categories or contain values
universally accepted for all group members is reflected in public opinion expressed, fears, social involvement, group cohesion and political options which
set elites act as guarantors of direction effective.
After a research of this kind we get to the questions about the five prospects
mentioned in the cited work: “Who are th e ones who represent the new elite, with
what resources have they reached that pos ition, what values they support or what
scale of values relate to, do you have trus t or not, we know them or detest them,

∗ Lecturer, PhD, University of Craiova, Faculty of Law and Social Sciences, Sociology
Specialization; Email: [anonimizat]

Gabriel Pricin ă 276
which are the behaviours that characteri ze etc.”. In the case of the researched
community we stop at the community’s capacity to conservate its own symbolic
capital in the conditions of some confused intern factors that correlate with the
extern ones with the decline in th e life quality, living conditions and life
opportunities. Thus, we find a correlation be tween hope and fata listic resignation in
the real changes undisturbed election cycles.
In the absence of a real and change capable middle class it arise a need for
effective elite to drive the community deve lopment. But assessing the effectiveness of
new local elites remain at th e discretion of a poor population, disoriented without
analytical criteria based on a symbolic cap ital sufficiently developed and adapted to
current times. Instead we witness a syncretis m of traditional principles, specific to
the autarkic Romanian communities, and we lfare principles, defined by the global
processes influence, handy for local staff atta ched to political parties ideologically
shaped only in major cities and supported locally by the vehemence of local elites.
1. WHY THE STOCKHOLM SYNDROME WOULD BE A MODEL
FOR UNDERSTANDING THE COMPLEX PHENOMENA
THAT AFFECTS THE SYMBOLIC CAPITAL?
Understanding the contributing factors to the total decline of a community
involves more complex explanations then the reductionist ones, such as the
economic or demographic nature. The Stockholm syndrome describes the behaviour of the victim to the aggressor, due to insulation, captivity and violence.
Relative benevolence of the aggressor is perceived positively by the victim who
goes to a state of sufficient sympathy. Th e events of 1973 in Sweden revealed an
atypical behaviour of human beings in a compelling context, hostage’s attachment
to the bank robbers. But the reasons are complex and based on specific traits of
human nature
1, and in this relationship we are dealing with aggressor rationality
and the captive emotional experiences.
Transfer elements from The Stockholm syndrome toward the individual
experiences that may help explain collec tive behaviour of people in a social group
that supports the state of dependence toward s the elite at the e xpense of democratic
rights to vote in favour of changing the individual freedoms and opportunity to express their potential.
The symbolic capital is “any property type (any physical capital, economic,
social, and cultural)”
2, whose function is to support economic and social
valorisation of capital so as to meet the objectives of the group.

1 Nathalie de Fabrique, Stephen J. Romano, Gregory M. Vecchi, Vi ncent B. Van Hasselt,
Understanding Stokholm Syndrome , FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, Volume 76, No 7, july 2007, pp. 10-15,
available at https://leb.fbi.gov/2007-pdfs/leb-july-2007
2 Pierre Bourdieu, Rațiuni practice. O teorie a ac țiunii, Bucharest, Meridiane Publishing
House, 1999, p. 85.

Causes of economic and social decline. Analogy with the Stockholm syndrome 277
The community that is the subject of this study we cannot explain the
maintenance of a status quo undesirable by this syndrome than compensates disaggregating the components in the use of the symbolic capital and human capital
stock that can provide “the trip” towa rds the desired objectives. Accepting the
current context it can only be explained by the collective mind that accepts captivity from different considerations of social action rationality.
2. COMMUNITY CHARACTERIZATION BASED ON THE DATA
Statistical data analysis allows assessing the situation of the urban
infrastructure of the city while placing ther eof in the context of other cities in the
Mehedinti County in particular and Oltenia in general.
From a demographic perspective Strehaia is the third urban community of the
county, comprising approximately 8.1% of the total urban population of the county, placed in the same category with other cities in Oltenia such as Rovinari, D ăbuleni,
Orșova, Scornice ști, Drăgănești Olt and Bumbe ști Jiu, is the 19th largest city in
total 40 cities in Oltenia.
In terms of urban infrastructure Strehaia city ranks 24 being surpassed by
smaller cities. In relation to the urban area in 2011
3 in Strehaia every kilometre of
the street was 11.03 Km2, each kilometre of water network was 37.55 Km2, and a
sewage incumbent was 71.67 Km2. On average the area covered by all utilities
(measured in square kilometres of bu ilt-up area per one kilometre from complete
utilities) was 40.08 Km2. For comparison cities of the same size have the following
areas covered by the three utilities (pav ed streets, water and sewerage).

Table 1
The area covered by utilities in Oltenia cities with population between 10,000-15,000 inhabitants
Nr. Crt. City The average area covered by all utilities*
1 Rovinari 12,29 Km2
3 Orșova 13,73 Km2
4 Scornicești 15,44 Km2
5 Strehaia 40,08 Km2
6 Drăgănești Olt 43,70 Km2
Source : National Institute of Statistic, Te mpo online database, available at:
http://statistici.insse .ro/shop/index.jsp?page=tempo2&lang=ro&context=75
Ddata processing by author
*Note: a lower average surface covered by utility indicates greater length utilities

3 National Institute of Sta tistic, Tempo online database , available at http://statistici.insse.ro/shop/
index.jsp?page=tem po2&lang=ro&context=75

Gabriel Pricin ă 278
By this situation we find that Strehaia is far below the le vel of development
of similar cities. We note that economic investment in the city’s development is
dependent on the existing infrastructure a nd facilities offered to investors. A poor
infrastructure is not attractive for potential investors, and by comparison with other
cities shows that Strehaia is far from what the entrepreneurs are looking for.
Analysis of urban infrastructure on Strehaia revealed that the municipality
has remained constant for a long time (a t least between 2000-2010 for which we
have available data). But stagnation areas covered by basic public utilities
highlights the lack of involvement in local development by the local decision
makers. We note that the city is at the confluence of two metropolitan areas of
influence: in relation to Mehedinti county resident, Dr. Tr. Severin the urban area
of influence is 5 km (measured from the town centre), and compared to the most
important city of Oltenia (Craiova ), the urban influence is 2.4 km4. The stagnation
of investment in infrastructure devel opment will decrease these areas and develop
potential loss due to expansion of urban services to areas under the influence of the city. Moreover, the lack of investment in urban development capacity causes
decreased revenue from taxes collected by local authorities which affect revenues
to the state budget. Demographic declin e is influenced by the infrastructure
condition, lack of life opportunities and attr action shown by other urban centres as
well as international migration.
Add to these statistics the decrease of the healthcare quality by closing and
reopening the hospital, increasing number of people per one doctor and the number
of potential patients to beds. Therefore the conditions necessary for urban services
quality are affected by even the extinc tion, pausing and resuming the activity
syncope. It is challenging to provide a coherent strategy on the background of
eliminating the urban services that serves the bordering areas, which are shrinking
as can be seen from the influence of urban areas.
Statististics data prove that Strehaia is in a directional retrieval stage which
requires numerous investments in im proving, maintaining and expanding
investments. The location along the European road, linking the west of the capital
can be an important asset by increasing the city's attractiveness for investors.
To get closer to the urban infrastructure with the highest density of Oltenia
(town Motru) were required in 2011 investme nt in the construction of 50 km of tap
water and sewerage, which means employment and increase the number of payers
of these services, which means a surplus of revenue to local government. The level
of investment by 2016 is far from being achieved which shows that the statistical
analysis and inventory needs of the local community was not found in the
management plan of the local Mayor.

4 These measurements are based on th e statistical data of the Nation al Institute of Statistic with
the method Reilly-Converse.

Causes of economic and social decline. Analogy with the Stockholm syndrome 279
3. POPULATIONS OPINIONS AND VALUES
This data is based on two opinion surv eys conducted in Strehaia in 2015 and
2016. Knowledge based on statistical data requires knowledge of community field.
Please note that in this case Strehaia is not an atypical case, its specific phenomena
being found in many places in Romania.
Data collected and their dynamics, resulting after processing data from two
consecutive studies have shown a paradoxical state of mind of a part of the population. In the last 12 years there ha ve been no major changes among the local
Mayor, and their performance proved that th e choice of their state reasons which
go beyond rationality required a vote based on logical assumptions which also
induced the idea for this article title in an attempt to explain the specifics of the
village.
Community status and life quality are viewed in a negative way by the
population. The question about the mayor's work highlighted that in 2016 a percentage of 34.7% of respondents gave th e note “1”, while a rate of 16.9% gave
“10”. The remaining options were di stributed between “2” and “10”. By
aggregating the extreme options shows that more than half of respondents (51.6%)
tends to analyze in a radically way th e mayors activity, being in complete
opposition. By reporting on pre-election efforts you can find some differences between 2015-2016: the critical attitude fell by 6.8% (note “1” was given by 41.5%
of respondents in 2015 and 34.7% in 2016) , while appreciations increased by 7.1%
(16.9% in 2016 from 9.8% in 2015).
The local council, now dissolved, was appreciated in the same way, although
currently not working: between 2015 and 2016 the share of those which were awarded the note “1” fell by 1.1% (from 38.9% to 37.8%) and “10” was granted
5.8% in 2015 and 10.6% in 2016, an in crease of 4.8%. This positive change in
favour of an institutional entity that no longe r exists is due to the same atypical
way of understanding the things of a popula tion category in terms of information.
The City Hall institution was appreciated in the same way, the growth of
satisfaction with the way in which it ope rates. The mark “1” was mentioned by
6.7% fewer respondents in 2016 compared to 2015 (32.8% vs. 39.5%) and “10”
has met several options by 8.8% in 2016 to 2015 (15% vs. 6.2%).
These considerations suggest that the hope given by the work started in the
pre-election period had a positive effect on the population, which although not
directly associated with these works with a certain person, I think in the future
things will get a good direction.
Political debates are reflected in conflic ts between the local decision makers.
The Local Council is suspended by the decision of the mayor but without this being made known to the public. Awareness of local political realities of the population is evidenced by the 37.6% of people who heard about the dissolution of the council.

Gabriel Pricin ă 280
A percentage of 34.9% of respondents be lieve that the decision was bad and only
24.9% of respondents said that this is a good decision.
The opinions concerning the issues addressed by the local authorities’ shows
that the activity is unknown or limited to work around urban areas of strength. The
largest proportion of respondents (34.76%) has highlighted that so far local authorities have not solved any problem of the village. The main issues addressed
were road works (by asphalt or pavement), sewerage and tap water. The remaining
issues resolved hold shares of less than five percent. Analysis of the data collected
shows that there is a collective short-te rm memory: are forgotten the works for
more than a year before (water, public li ghting) and current popular works, visible
even if they are just begun without there being any evidence that will be completed
in the future.
Data comparison between the two survey s highlights a few elements to be
taken into account:
– In 2016 it increased the number of re ferences to the problems solved (13
issues mentioned in 2016 compared to 7 issues in 2015);
– Increased by 6.81% percentage of tho se who believes that local authorities
have solved the roads problem;
– Increased by 0.72% percentage of tho se who consider that the authorities
have solved the sewage problem;
– Decreased by 1.74% percentage of those who believe that local authorities
did nothing.
– Decreased by 6.50% percentage of those who believe that the current water
problem has been solved;
– Decreased by 3.21% percentage of those who believe that public lighting
has been solved;
– Decreased by 3.21% percentage of those who think the authorities did the
right thing;
– Instead mention of problems appear solved in 2016 and not mentioned in
2015: repair sidewalks, drainage ditc hes, city sanitation, school repair,
carrying wells, repair bridges, green spaces development.
Future solutions are simplistic, referri ng to replace the mayor (up 5.99%),
staff reduction (up 2.98%) and coopera tion with companies specialized in
European funds (0.79%). Trying to guess the positive consequences of these
measures is discouraging the population as proposals are more punitive and less
than constructive. Replacing the mayor with a person with the same management vision will not generate any community development and improvement of life
quality. Moreover, possible solutions and specialized activity represented variants
cooperation with companies specialized in attracting European funds registered a
minor increase of only 0.79% and the option of hiring specialists in population opinions fell 4.15%, the same as drastic sta ff reduction (5.45%). The data resulting
from the processing of potential solutions fo r the future are reduced to sanctioning

Causes of economic and social decline. Analogy with the Stockholm syndrome 281
the mayor, but not completed for proposals on ways to improve the
professionalization of business and administrative skills team. Thus, in the future
we expect that the city hall activity is cantered on a single person (the mayor) who can use its discretion to fund community passivity and lack of qualified advice. There is a risk reconstitution the same context of the community captivity in a vicious circle of passivity, the lack of performance of clerks, the lack of a real
strategy of development and the lack of specialists in community development
derived from the internal or external resources.
In this way expectations will be mate rialized through reporting to a single
person, subjectively, will seek to preserve the mandate (power position) becoming
an “aggressor” by imposing certain measures that will create community’s state of
dependence.
Rejecting the human capital stock from outside the community represents a
sufficient argument, in our opinion, for understanding the nature of cultural captivity of small communities. Increasing appreciation for local leaders under conditions of repeated setbacks over twelve years ago small investment, some not
yet finalized, highlights a supra-innovation fear and modernization to the detriment
of subsistence sanctioned capacity of the cu rrent state of affairs. Thus, the slowing
modernization and integration into the competitive world of globalization is perceived as a valuable mediator of the community interests in a manner contrary
to the evidence.
Understanding the attitudes towards the community problems can be divided
into two broad categories: a higher degree of interest in terms of personal as well as
the hospital (32.25%) and workplaces (29.63%), followed by another category of issues concerning the Community organization: roads (25.16%), stray dogs (5.11%) and the amount of taxes (3.83%).
Regarding the last point raised – the amount of taxes – making them more
difficult to collect and reduce their impact on the local budget through the
demographic decline, poverty and the lo w number of economic agents, plus the
significant migration of population a nd consumer goods and services. The
multiplication of local government services can support a revenue growth at the local budget.
The belief that wellbeing depends on the activity of the mayor and the Town
Hall (75.6% in 2015) in a ratio discrepancies with other options (foreign investors,
attracting EU funds, agricultural development or the Romanian State, not exceeding 10.0% of options) highlights th e concentration of the expectations
around the local institution and its leader . These views support the idea of the
Stockholm syndrome in the community. The only relationship assessed as positive
by the captive citizens is th e nearest administrative ins titution and its leader: the
mayor. The community members behave su ch as being isolated from the world,
ignoring the institutions and organizations that can provide material support,
logistics and professional development of the city. This attitude contributes

Gabriel Pricin ă 282
authoritarian behaviour of the city representatives imposing a model of compliance
according to the social prestige sought.
The traditional elements are found in th e general population views. Thus, the
business of the mayor’s positive attitude is reflected in the personal aid they
provide to those in need. Moreover, the mayor ideal for Strehaia should be male (69.4% of the options), politically unaffilia ted (64.85), young (63.2%), to be born
in the locality (55.6%) and rather poor (43.8%).
This image features a mayor highlighted that the populations vision is based
on the leadership role specific as a man (the origin patriarchal), politically independent (unconstrained by any commun ity external force) young (a guarantee
of future), born in the locality (warra nty attachment to the community) and poor
(guarantee fairness and honesty).
We find that the decision is based on a traditional cultural model, commonly
found in the policy choices of the early 1990s.
Associating honesty with poverty is a widespread in Romanian rural areas,
where wealth is associated with negative traits of character and honesty. Through
such considerations we believe that the decision criteria are compensated based on
a solid reasoning related to the modern management.
CONCLUSION
The link we are trying to realize between the power relations within a
community and isolation which deve lops through self-assumed dependence
towards the leaders can identify the mo st effective ways to support small
communities. They prove incapable of identifying their own development
resources and their use for enhancing lif e quality. Decisions based on those
principles determine auto-exclusion the small communities that can provide the institutional development support.
The objectives of the modernization project s are reported in the literature as
“the integration of local communities in political structures (nation-state) and
national and international economic (market)”
5. Although the democratic
organization requires election cycles of four years, we find that voting intentions are based on the principles of traditional culture and not on modern performance on
reasonable indicators of life quality or the democratic principles that allow the necessary corrections from time to time.
Political competition is reduced to an exercise in gaining legitimacy of
community representation and conservation of power within the community. Late

5 Liviu Chelcea, Cultură și dezvoltare: perspectiva antropologiei culturale , în Cătălin Zamfir,
Laura Stoica (coord.), O nouă provocare: dezvoltarea social ă, Craiova, Polirom Publishing House,
2006, p. 131.

Causes of economic and social decline. Analogy with the Stockholm syndrome 283
modernization aggravates the social issues and community decline due to
overlapping the self-sufficient relationships of those specific to globalization. The
syncretism between overlapping of the two value systems results in decreased life quality. Adapting to the new challenges requires integrating in the world current of the local potential that should only be selected from those favouring and those blockers. We are currently witnessing, unfo rtunately, to the candidates empowerment
that guarantees the context of subsistence at the lower survival rather than initiating
opportunities to express their potentialities indi vidual or group.
The analogy with the Stockholm syndrome has an explanatory power
sufficient to the small communities specific phenomena, with connections between people based on tradition, autarkic Romanian and that attaches irrational on people
who retain their privileges and legitimacy by maintaining the economic, social and
cultural turn them into leaders.

Gabriel Pricin ă 284

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