The reason why I have chosen slavery as a topic for my diploma paper was because I [604813]

UNIVERSITATEA „LUCIAN BLAGA” DIN SIBIU
FACULTATEA DE LITERE ȘI ARTE
DEPARTAMENTUL DE STUDII ANGLO -AMERICANE SI GERMANISTICE

LUCRARE DE DIPLOMĂ

COORDONATOR ȘTIINȚIFIC: CANDIDAT: [anonimizat]
2017

UNIVERSITATEA „LUCIAN BLAGA” DIN SIBIU
FACULTATEA DE LITERE SI ARTE
DEPARTAMENTUL DE STUDII ANGLO -AMERICANE SI GERMANISTIVE

PERIOADA NEAGRA A SCLAVIEI SI
CONSECINTELE ACESTEIA

COORDONATOR ȘTIINȚIFIC: CANDIDAT: [anonimizat]
2017
LUCIAN BLAGA UNIVERSITY OF SIBIU

Introduction

The reason why I have chosen slavery as a topic for my diploma paper was because I
wanted to understand the reasons behind this sad episode of humankind, and also because
I was eager to find out more information on how could human beings be transformed int o
goods by other human beings, in a world in which we are all born free and equal. Having
a slight idea that it all started due to the differences of colour between the two races, I
wanted to bring forth the consequences of prejudice along with the fight f or equality, in
order to highlight the fact that no human being should lose its freedom for the sake of
economic prosperity, nor should skin colour dictate the supremacy of the peoples.
The difficulties I have come across in the process of researching for my diploma
paper were related to the great amount of information from which I had to select, given
the fact that slavery represents a complex episode of history, extended over a great period
of time. Therefore, I tried to do my best as to select the most e vocative and significant
ideas, as to convey the very essence of slavery along with its consequences. Finding my
sources was not a difficult process, owing to the fact that I have found a lot of books at
the university library, and, when necessary, I have searched for more recent information
on the internet. Having found all the necessary materials, I tried to select information
according to the plan of my diploma paper, thus trying to organize the information
effectively.
The present work is structured in three chapters, each one be ing divided in
subchapters. The first chapter in called Foundation of Slavery and it co mprises five
representative sub chapters: The Beginning of Slavery, The Slave Trade Business, The
Evolution of the Black Individuals’ Status i n the South, A Slave -Based Economy and
Life on the P lantation System. The first sub chapter introduces the reader into the
historical context from the beginning of slavery, when black men were introduced to the
English colonies. The second sub chapter depict s the manner in which Britain got
involved into the issue of slavery, becoming the greatest participant in what was known
as ‘The Slave Trade Busine ss. The third and the forth sub chapters follow the process of
dehumanization, through which Africans were de prived of their human rights for the sake

of money, laying the basis of a flourishing economy, which made America, and
especially the South very prosperous. As for the last sub -chapter, Life on the Plantation
System, it conveys a sense of great suffering t hat the enslaved people had to endure.
The second chapter is called The Evolution o f Slavery and it comprises four
sub-chapters: Slaves’ Reaction to Bondage, T he Emancipation Proclamation and The
Civil War, The Civil Ri ghts Movement and The Civil Rights M ovement and Other Black
Organizations. In the first sub chapter it can be seen the African people’s response to their
perpetual servitude and what were the reasons for their rebellion aga inst the system. The
second sub chapter illustrates decisions that brin g hope as regards the freedom of the
slaves, more specifically The Emancipation Proclamation, whose purposes were rather
political and selfish than altruistic. The third and fourth subchapter s presents a series of
events of major importance conducted by great personalities like Martin Luther King or
Malcom X, that offered black people a sense of their worth.
The third chapter, Slavery’s Social Impact, consists of three chapters: The Issue of
Race, Racial Inequalities and Racist Attitudes Nowadays. The first subchapter presents
the concept of white r acism along with the issue of stereotypes, which are wide -spread in
many areas of the American and British society, highlighting the fact that we are
witnessing a form of v ailed racism. The second subchapter introduces racial forms of
inequalities encountered both in America and in Great Britain, in equalities that s hift from
area to area, thus causing socioeconomic discrepancies. Excluding the racist attitudes,
racial discre pancies are also related to the family background and to the level of
aspiration of each individual. The third subchapter illustrates the fact that racism is still a
part of our society, being characterized by police brutality and active hate groups.
At the end of my research for the diploma paper I can say that I have gained a lot
more information regarding the not ion of slavery, having the chanc e to achieve a better
understanding of what slavery really meant. If before my research I was not aware of its
consequences, now, I can say that the manner in which I perceive people of color has
completely changed. Moreover , the present work addresses the public who want s to
acquire additional information about the era of slavery , targeting mostly the students.

Foundation of Slavery

The Beginning of S lavery

When the Englishmen established their first settleme nt in the United States, the idea of
slavery as an institution was not existent. The first evidence of enslavement can be seen
between 1640 and 1660, but information regarding the status of the Afro -Americ ans is
not precise ( Jordan 44). One of the main factors in establishing the Black people's stat us
was its different complexion "Anglo -American colonists were posses sed of a seldom
articulated but apparently preconceived notion of African difference and inferiority" (Van
Deburg 5) , which led to an “ unthinking decisi on” to enslave African people ( Van Deburg
5). “ Negroes were physically no weake r than others, if as weak, they were no more
submissive” (Du Bois 128), w hich tells us that their exploi tation was beyond themselves .
Most of the theories regarding the inferiority of black people being spread throughout the
colonial period, due to the fac t that the main criterion by which mankind was being
differentiated was skin color (Du Bois 1).
It is a kno wn fact that from early times “ the Negro has been part of the American
experience” (Blaustein and Zangrando 1), more specifically , from the very begi nning of
the participation of Europeans in The New World, at that time they were seen as
explorers and they were no different than the others ( Simon and Schuster 1). They have
witnessed great discoveries like th e Pacific Ocean, they explored Mexico and the y took
part in the e xploration of the s outhwestern par t of the present United States (Franklin and
Moss Jr. 37). Once the crops started to show a significant growth, it was an obvious fact
that the European peoples would turn to the Africans for help in order to succe ed
overcoming the deficit of labor, which led to the trans formation of bla ck people in
“movable property.” (Franklin and Moss Jr. 37)
In the last half of the fifteenth century relationships with Africans were
established majorly by Spaniards and Portuguese. When black people were first taken to

Europe t hey had the status of servants “ they took Africans to Euro pe and made servants
of them ” (Franklin and Moss, Jr. 35). The activities taking place on the African Coast
were just ified by bringing up the missionary character of the Europeans' act s, which
made the enslavement of black people a holly cause encouraged by the church and by
their ki ng (Franklin and Moss Jr. 35) .
Africans represented a different kind of men in the eyes of the Engl ishmen, a
great part of their physical peculiarities depending on the climate and environment,
having nothing to do with their inner nature (Du Bois 2). The fact that the word “black”
was used to describe them, emphasiz es that that complexion was the pec uliarity that
generated all the other prejudices. The contrast between white and black people was not
to be doubted. Whiteness, especially in the concepti on of the Elizabethan Englishmen,
illustrated the ideal of beauty, where as black was seen as something “ deeply stained wi th
dirt; soiled, dirty, foul” (Jordan 7). The as sumption that Africans were in some way
inferior based on their uniqueness led to the o utgrowth of racism as an ideology, ideology
that was being threaded in the people's mind “ The color line was so deeply impla nted in
the national mentality that there was no reason to expect its d isappearance.” (Fredrickson
19)
Another reason for the precon ceived idea of the black people inferiority was
religion. The term Christian was used by the English settlers to set themselves apart from
Africans, because being Christian meant being civilized, which contra sted with the
barbarous behavio r of black people “ they are beastly in their living” (Jordan 33) .
Although in many coloni es some of them were baptized, “ there is no evidence to suggest
that the colonists distinguished consistently between the Negros they c onverted and those
they did not” (Jordan 93) , because, in fact, the kind of slavery that developed in America
was more about race rath er than about religion ( Jordan 94). Furthermore, “ barbarism is
supported by natural circumstances with which i t is vain to think of coping” (Du Bois
131), consequently, it can be said that black people were not to be blamed of something
that did not depend on them.

The Slave Trade B usiness

The business of slave trading officially began in the year 1517, when Bishop Bartolome o
de Las Casas encouraged the immigratio n to the New World and granted permission to
Spaniards to impo rt African slaves (Franklin and Moss Jr. 40). The slave trade reached its
climax in the seve nteenth century, when it had developed into a real business pr imarily
owned by the Dutch, French and English companies. Even though Portugal is considered
to be the first country involved in the slave trade, it is not among the countries that
succe eded in this business (Franklin and Moss Jr. 40) . In the first part of the seventeenth
century the slave tr ade's monopoly was owned by the Dutsch West India Company and as
a result that Holland was trying its best to fortify its position in Africa and America
“Dutch slavers could be seen in the ports of almost all the American coloni es in the
seventeenth century .” (Franklin and Moss, Jr. 40)
The trade between Africa and the New World had become a subject of intere st
long before the English slave tra de was inaugu rated by Sir John Hawkings, who carried
his first slave cargo in 1562 (Franklin and Moss Jr.41) . The Royal African Company was
chartered by the king in 1672 and it reigned over the English slave trade for a lmost half a
century, becoming “ the most important single slave -trading gro up in the world” (Franklin
and Moss Jr. 41). England's prestige in Africa was increased by the fact th at England
together with French defeated the Dutch. Furthermore, England succe eded in securing the
Asiento , which represented the exclusive right to take slaves to the Spanish colonies, for
a period of thirty years , engaging in supplying the colonies with a specific number of
slaves per year (Franklin and Moss Jr. 41) .
The Asiento allowed the subjects of Great Britain to imp ort blacks into Spanish
America being enforced on the first day of May 1713 and it was going to end on the same
day of the year 1743 (Simon and Schuster 25) . The Asiento st ipulated that “ the said
assientist s, their factors and agents, shall have power to navigate and import th eir Negro
slaves, according to their contract, to all the northern ports of His Ca tholic Majesty's
West Indies” (Simon and Schuster 25). Moreover, this contract can be regarded as an act
that not onl y made the human trade thrive, but also sentenced thousands of people by
removing them from their homeland .

Once with the establishment of the overseas English settlements, which by 1640
had “ substantial areas of overseas settlements” (Greene 8), England b ecame a pillar of
great importan ce in the slave trade business “ during The Seven Year's War England
transported more than 10,000 slaves to Cuba and approximately 40,000 to Guadalupe. By
1788 two -thirds of all slaves brought by England to the New world were sold in foreign
colonies” (Franklin and Moss Jr. 42). Having a strength ened navy and plenty resources
England's commerce was prevailing over the entire world , and besides its own demands
for slaves, other colonies' demands for slaves were also fulfilled b y England (Franklin
and Moss Jr. 39). Moreover, studies have revealed the growth of England into a big
capital power had at its basis the slave trade, and as Du Bois has said, the systematic
trade in humans had physical, moral and economi c consequences, which are to be seen
worldwide (Du Bois 135). Taking that into consideration, it can be said that England,
with all its resources and support from th e royal family, was to become a component of
great importance regarding the evolution of sl avery in the United States.
The traffic in human flesh w as generated by “ the rapid tempo of economic
growth” (Blaustein and Zangrando 2), growth that resulted in labor shortage, which made
the white colonists adopt a new attitude towards the African nation . Fro m this point on,
the status of the black people brought from the first time in No rth America with the status
of “indentured servants” (Simon and Schuster 2) , started to experience a significant
change ( Simon and Schuster 2). Because of the fact that the plantations of to bacco, rice
and indigo were in constant need of a great supply of laborers and because many of the
white workers ran away, the Englishmen tried to find a solu tion for their problem, so they
reached out to Africans and “ broug ht this black gold to Europe .” (Franklin and Moss Jr.
36)
The first advantage of "this black gold" (Franklin and Moss Jr. 36) was the fact
that it was cheap er, therefore more accessible in time of crisis, but they were still human
beings. Moreover, their p eculiarities were more than normal for a people living in an
environment having such climate, and despite all that, they became goods in the eyes of
white people. The trade of humans perceived as actual goods , however, was not to be
stopped and for that ma tter was not a simple procedure as it might be assumed, in fact, it
was quite complex. This whole process implied more than buying th e slaves and then

sailing away “ frequently, traders had to remain at one place for two or three weeks before
enough slaves were rounded up t o make the negotiations worthwhi le” (Franklin and Moss
Jr. 41) . The protocol called also for courtesy visits in order that the local leaders could be
kept in “good humor” and grant permission to trade in his area ( Franklin and Moss Jr.
43).
For this trade business Africans were taken good care of, in t he sense in which
they were all fancied up, so to say. They were “ cleanl y shaved and soaked in palm oil”
(Franklin and Moss Jr. 43), so that their age or their physical condition could not be
easily estimated, because these factors played a great part in setting up the price
(Franklin, Moss Jr. 43). In other words, they were being dehumanized and treated like
objects are treated, for that was a procedure that both parties could benefit from. Besides,
this process highlights the fact that the dehuma nization of Africans was accelerated by
people of their own kind, which is a very difficult fact to f athom , considering that black
people should have emp athized with those turned into goods for the sake of money.
The ocean trip to America known as the middle passage was a dark episo de for
the enslaved Africans, being called so because it was the middle se ction of the trade route
taken by many of the ships ( The Middle Passage ). The fact that the ships carried, aside
from slaves, also crew and provisions led to overcrowding, whose practice obliged the
British Parliament to issue a regul ation in which was sta ted that “ not more than five
slaves could be carried for 3 tons of the burden of a ship of 200 tons” (Franklin, Moss
Jr.44). But because the more slaves the grater the profits, thi s regulation was not enforced
“the captives lay down on unfinished planking with virtually no room to move or breathe.
Elbows and wrists will be scraped to the bone by the motion of the rough seas .” (The
Middle Passage)
This cruel treatment determined the captives to favo r death by drow ning than
being exploited. “ Negroes were so witful and loath to leave their own country, that they
have often leap'd out of canoes, boat and ship, into the sea, and kept under water till they
were drowned” (Franklin and Moss Jr. 44). This side of their nature shows a strong sense
of self -respect, of who they were. They knew that they did not want to become somebody
else's property, and for that reason they wanted to be dead instead of being used. Many of
them did not get the chance to see the end of the voyage because of the disease an d

epidemics, which were very popular during the ocean trip. Aside from smallpox, hunger
made a lot of victims, worsening the health conditions and causing il lnesses where there
were none ( Franklin, Moss Jr. 44 -45)
The Middle Passage is one of many more to come episodes th at underlines the
misery, the de spair and the helplessness of i nnocent people, deh umanized by the act of
trading and treated as such “ air holes were cut into the deck to allo w the slaves breathing
air, but these were closed in stormy conditions. The bodies of the dead were simply th rust
overboard” (The Middle Passage ). From the great number of people removed from
Africa , lots of them died during the middle passage and among th ose who did not die
were those who su ffered from injuries, not realiz ing perhaps, that each of their lives was
to become an injury itself.

The E volution of the Black I ndividuals’ Status in the South

In 1607 the first permanent colony in America was founded at Jamestown, Virginia. In
Virginia and Maryland the evolution of slavery had a differ ent course mostly be cause the
settlers wanted to develop a succes sful agricultural staple. Ten years later, they we re in
the process of de veloping “an empire upon smoke” . The to bacco crop needed cheap
permanent labor, if possible a tireless one, because the geographic conditions and the
fertile soil led to flourishing crops ( Jordan 71 -72). It was the need for labor tha t made the
colonist consider the perpetual servitude of black people, which impacted the id eas about
freedom and bondage ( Franklin and Moss Jr. 65). The first slaves that mad e it to America
at the beginning of the seventeenth century were not legally sl aves, their status was that
of “indentured servants” (Franklin and Moss Jr. 65). “ Negroes were not especially sought
nor were they initially classified as slaves” (Blaustein and Zangrando 3), and that is
because, in order to perpetuate the European practic e of labor and servitude, planters and
landowners would have op ted for white European servants ( Simon and Schuster 3). The
fact that African individuals were treated firstly as servants , then as slaves and finally
second -class citizen s was, ac cording to Si mon and Schuster, “a great and terrible
paradox” (Blaustein and Zangrando 3).

Black slavery was to become an institution of vital importance in Virginia and
Maryland, and later in the whole South. It can be said that the growth of slavery in the
tobacco colonies experienced three stages: the first ar rival of the Africans in 1619 “ about
the last of August came in a dutch man of w arre that sold us twenty Negars” (Jordan 73) ,
after 1640 existed pi eces of evidence that some Africans were being treate d as sl aves and
following 1660 “ slavery was written into statute law” (Jordan 73). Before it be came a
formal institution, black people shared some kind of hope regarding their possibility fo r
eventual freedom and independe nce, unfort unately for them “ by 1664, the Maryland
Colonial Assembly was ready to impose, by force of law, the status of perpetual slavery
upon Negr o slaves and their offspring.” (Simon and Schuster 8 -9)
As mentioned above, in Virginia, the first sign of en slavement appeared in 1640
when three servants were sentenced by the General Court. The first two, a Dutchman and
a Scot, received an extra year in the service of their masters, but “ the third being a negro
named John Punch shall serve his said master or h is assigns for the time of his na tural life
here or elsewhere” (Jordan 75). This episode depicts the differences being made between
white and black servants, differences rooted in the idea of inferiority of black people.
Regret tably, this was not the only episode depicting th e injustice inflicted upon colo red
men, as it can be seen in the following paragraphs.
In an act concerning colo red men from Maryland it is clearly expressed that
racism was the fac tor that “ fixed the status of slavery upon the offsprin g of any freeborn
English woman who pr oduce d a child by a Negro slave” (Blaustein and Zangrando 9),
before that, the status of perpetual slavery was inflicted by force upon bla ck slaves and
their offspring ( Simon and Schuster 9). In another act concerning black people and other
slaves the same authors give clear examples of the life bo ndage and its perpetual nature
“all Negroes and other slaves already within the province, and all Negroes and other
slaves to be hereafter imported into the province, shall se rve durante vita . And all
children born of any Negro or other slave shall be slaves as their father wer e, for the term
of their lives.” (Blaustein and Zangrando 9)
Another evidence that affirms the fact that some Africans were serving for life
was to be se en in the prices paid for them. There was a clear evidence between the sum
paid for a colo red servant, which was a lot generous, and th e sum paid for a white servant

“higher prices must have me ant that Negroes were more highly valued because of their
greater length of service” (Jordan 76). Differences were also made between white and
black women. In the case of black women, they were especially prized , both because
their offspring co uld be used perp etually, and be cause, unlike white women, they could
also be used for fie ld work ( Jordan 77).
Given the examples, it can be said that in the southern slave society the law
represented the principal element that gave power to the ruling class. Slaveholders , seen
as socio -economic class built a legal system that would fit their own interests ( Genovese
27). In the South, especially in Virginia and Maryland the law offered slave owners
extensive amount of power over the slaves and the idea that chattels could have a
highborn nature and also r ights was completely rejected ( Genovese 71). According to
Genovese, in seventeenth century Virginia a master could not legally murder a slave, he
might cause his de ath but not murder him because “ would a man willingly destr oy his
own property?” (Genovese 71) As it can be seen, reducing a black person to the sta tus of
movable property was of great importance for the slave owners, because they got to a
point when this status was being used as an excuse for all the cruelty and injustice.
If at the beginning of the seventeenth century the status of the black people was
not clearly established, it can be said that during the century a series of events served us
for a better understanding of the way the status of the colo red men ev olved. Even the law
was used in order to set black people apart from the other social classes, depriving human
beings from their hu manity by denying their rights “ the very soul of the toiling, sweating
black man is darkened by the shadow of a vast despair” (Du Bois 13) . As sad a s it may
seem , this represents only the beginning of a great suffering.

A Slave -Based E conomy

Looking at slavery from an economic point of view it can be stated that its whole purpose
was the achi evement of wealth. At th e center of the slavery's expans ion as an economic
institution lies England's oldest American colony, Virginia. Beginning with the
settlement of the Englishmen, the colony had an essential place regarding the

transformation in terms of conception of the colonization. English settlers had “ an
acquisitive and predatory drive for commodities and for the profits to be made on the r ich
products of the outer world” (Greene 8) , which also characterized the whole overseas
expansion, fact that il lustrates t hat Virginia had from the very beginning a commercial
orienta tion ( Greene 8).
Since the vast majority of historians regarded colonies as commercial agricultural
settlements, it was difficult for them to und erstand that the primary goal of Virgin ia
during t he first years of settlement was more about co nquest than abo ut agriculture. The
settlers of Virginia soon understood that conquest or trade were not sufficient for the
sustainment of the colony so they turned to the cultivation of to bacco, which bec ame
Virginia's principal crop ( Greene 10). Although there had been attempts to turn to a
more diversified far ming, the high profits generated by to bacco “ turned th e colony into a
boom settlement” (Greene 10) , flourishing that encouraged the Englishmen to contin ue
and extend their agricultural settlement.
The principal factor that led to the shaping of Chesapeake society w as the labor
demands that the to bacco crops needed in order to prosper, because labo r was seen as a
source of prosperity. One of the most impor tant aspect of the Chesapeake society was the
transformation that took place after 1685, namely, white servitude was being slowly
replaced by black slavery , as a prevailing source of labor ( Greene 82). Unlike small
planters, who kept on using servants, lar ge producers focused on the usage of a heavily
slave labor system. Consequently, the number of black slaves grew to such an extent that
by 1760 black people repr esente d almost 40% of the population ( Greene 83).
In the Caribbean is lands , Africans w orked at the beginning on tobacco
plantatio ns, but as the price of the weed decreased notably, West Indian planters suffered
a great loss. They tried to find a solution to their loss by turning to cotton and indigo, but
without succes s. After sugar plantat ions had proven their succes s the number of Africans
grew substantially, growth that took pl ace in many Caribbean islands ( Franklin and Moss
Jr. 51 -52). Given the fact that the climate of the sugar colonies was “ inconve nient”
(Franklin and Moss Jr. 52) for living, it can be said that black peo ple were beyond suited,
since they could be regarded as an engine that set into motion the production of great
wealth.

When black slaves were brought into Barbados, the number of white population
decreased as many of them migrated to other colonies for better opportunities. Since
black people became an important part of the population, sugar production knew a great
flourishing period which helped the posses sing classes to ac cumulate extraordinary
wealth. Soon Barbados became "the richest, most highly developed, most populous, and
most congested colony in America, with a thriving sugar industry and 50,000 inhabitan ts,
including 30,000 Negroes" ( Greene 44). Through the use of slave labor system, Barbados
was to become one of the best developed island colony, whose wealth outmatched any
other English colony and was considered "the most prosperous seventeenth century
insular colony on the globe" ( Greene 45).
Regarding Carolinas colonies, however, it can be said that they re sembled the
early plantation societies as far as the strong commercial orientation was concerned.
South Carolina had a substantial number of African slaves among the original settlers,
fact that reflected its predile ction for African slave labor ( Greene 51 ). The source of
South Carolina's tremendous wealth was the cultivation of rice. The efficiency of "black"
labor led to a "rapid conversion to an almost wholly African slave labor force" (Greene
52), as a result, in 1720 whites were outnum bered by the blac k population ( Greene 52).
The moment slavery was established its economic advantages were easily
acknowledged. Slaves brought with them economic benefits d ue to the fact that their
mainte nance was cheaper and they also had the advantage of life servitude, beside that
“they may have been more skilled at agricultural labor than many white serv ants”
(Greene 83) . Furthermore, slaves could be regarded as a specia l category of labor source,
a source whose results were seen in the number of profits. They were an importan t pylon
in the development and thriving of the econ omic life of an entire society.
As it can be seen, African slaves were part of a labor system that brought forth
great wealth fo r the leading classes. By the means of slave labor slavery gained the status
of economic institution, which can be described as one of the most important result of the
slavery : wealth. Wealth was the supreme goal of the slaveholding class, a goal that was
attained owing to a process of hard labor, a process in which black individuals lost their
individua lity and became goods or labor force , serving a not so dignified purpose.

Life on the Plantation S ystem

Regarded from an economic point of view, the plantation syste m describes itself as a
normal explo itation system, that looked at slaves as at the perfect labor source, first of all,
because they were plenty and they were affordable, second of all, because t hey were
fitted for the hard work. But if we are to look at the plantation system f rom a human
perspective, we can not deny its cruel character. In the seventeenth century, as the number
of black slaves increased, an “ Act to regulate the Neg roes of the Brit ish Plantations”
(Franklin and Moss Jr. 53) was enacted as a result of the planters' in fluence in England.
In th e Caribbean the slaves were ref erred to as “ of wild, barbarous, and savage nature to
be controll ed only with strict severity” (Franklin and Moss Jr. 53), reality that underlines
a concealed fear of revolts and a profound reluctanc e towards African slaves.
This concealed fear of rebel lion was the factor that led to the spreading of the
slave code from region to region “ Kentucky's slave code derived from that of North
Virginia, Tennesse e's could be traced back to North Carolina, and Missi ssippi's to
Georgia” (Berlin 166). This quote conveys a deep urge for dominance, given the fact th at
the idea of losing control could not be even taken into consideration by a class whose
prosperity d epended purely on slave labor. The desperate need of control of the
slaveholding class accentuates the ingrained character of commodities that slaves had to
bear, but in the same time it serves as an ack nowledgement of the black people's power.
So, one of the best ways to keep everything under control was by exploiting the poor
things through hard work.
As the middle classes were very supp ortive of the conc ept of saving time and
doing things on schedule, work became "a discre te central fact of existence". Work was
seen as a necessity and it also conveyed a sense of humil ity and submission, so the
slaveholders applied this concept in a way that served their p urposes. The slaveholding
class got enough work out of their slaves as to assure the persiste nce of their status as
slaveholding class, but when they wanted to establish a factory like discipline into a
population with traditional ideas of work, they ended up reinforcing traditional attitudes
and values. From a r eligious perspective “ labor is thus both a pena lty and a means of
salvation” (Genovese 287), but it can be said that sl aves saw labor as a means of

salvation as f ar as the whole process of labo ring kept slave owners from applying an y
kind of penalties. In fact, la bor was more about penalties than about salva tion in a system
that appeared to be constan tly dis satisfied and continuously asking for more.
The work r hythm was created in order to bring forth a great amount of profit
“Time was abundant in those days. It was made for s laves, and we had the slaves”
(Genovese 286 ). As the citation suggests, the factor of time was seen as an abundant
resource which was at the disposal of the slaves. In this respe ct, the slave holders made
sure that the workers started their working day very earl y in the morning, and because
“there were no beds given to slaves, unless one coarse blanket be considered such”
(Douglas s 8), the idea of rest was not regarded with much p leasure. Moreover, the slaves
sacrificed most o f their sleeping hours because “ when their day's work in the field is
done, the most of them having their washing, mending, and cooking to do, and having
few or none of the ordinary faciliti es for doing either of these” (Douglas s 8). The process
of explo itation needed subjects for whom the notion of rest and leisure was not of major
importan ce and for whom life had to be “ economically r ationalized” (Douglass 8) , and so
Africans made the perfect candidat es.
The experience that the slaves had on the plan tations shaped their attitudes
towards the notion of work and time. Time was regarded both as a servant and as a
master, because no one knew how to harness it better than the slaves. On the plantation of
the South, there were no clear measurements of time, the only temporal r eferences were
calendars founded on agricultural and seasonal pattern s “measurements of the year were
not precise, nor need it have been, for the important marks lay in the int ersection of work
and season” (Genovese 289). Furthermore, Frederick Douglas s emphasizes in his
narrative the rigidity with which slave owners kept their slaves’ age veiled “ I never met
with any slave i n that part of the county who co uld tell m e with certainty how old he
was” (9), and even the questions concer ning their age were seen as an “imprudent
curiosity” (9). The fact that most slaves did not know exactly their age highlights even
more their level of dehumaniza tion and also their pronounced nature of movable
property , it also describes the level of indif ference and carelessness of the slaveholders'
class.

Another evidence that highlights the level of indifference and carelessness
towards the slaves were the dreadful episodes that depict both the physically and the
ment ally suffering, episodes that were part of many slaves’ experience, but which are
best reported by Frederick Douglass in his narrative. So, one important sequence is that in
which Douglass describes his first master “He was a cruel man, hardened by a long life of
slave holding. He would at times seem to take great pleasure in whipping a slave” (10).
The way that he depicts his master is very suggestive for the cruel episodes of brutalities
that are to come. Douglass was a witness of the way in which dehuman ized humans of
his own kind were being physically and mentally traumatized mercilessly

“No words, no tears, no prayers, from his gory victim, seemed to move his iron heart from its
bloody purpose. The louder she screamed, the harder he whipped; and where the blood ran fastest,
there he whipped longest. He would whip her to make her scream, and whip her to make her hush;
and not until overcome by fatigue, would he cease to swing the blood -clotted cowskin .” (18)

This horrifying exhibition held by a monstrou s master had as main attraction a helpless
human being, whose level of helplessness got to the point where not even the pain
endured was able to move the slave owner’s heart. The fact that the master took pleasure
in the process of torture under lines the i nsignificance of a slave’s life, a life that was not
his own anymore, a life that he had to endure.
One of the main reasons of this savage behavior towards the slaves was for the
master to assure a sense of control by making an example out of his victims , thereby
avoiding potential rebellions. The following quote “ A thrill of horror flashed through
every soul upon the plantatio n” (Douglass 20) , serves as an example of how deeply
ingrained the feeling of terror was, proving one more time that the struggles , the pain and
the suffering were regular events generated by the lack of empathy or maybe the lack of
soul of slave owners. The idea that a slave’s life was more about a series of unfortunate
events than about actual living, giving the fact that besides h is complexion he was no
different than a white person, is deeply disturbing.
In the second chapter of his narrative Frederick Douglass reports how precarious
were the resources that the s laves received monthly in order to survive , resources that are
called “monthly allowance (8).” It can be said that the reason of the scarce amount of

food and clothing can be found in the manner in which slaves were perceived, more
specific in their dehumanized nature, because they were regarded more as things than as
human s “Even with their monthly allowance, the slave did not receive much, some food
consisting of eight pounds of pork or its equivalent in fish and one bushel of corn meal”
(8). Furthermore, after a hard day of work slaves were not ever able to enjoy their re st,
because they could not afford the luxury of a bed “the slaves’ beds were actual blankets
because there was no such thing as a bed for slaves” (Douglass 8) .
Despite all the injustices, the humans made victims by this system of exploitation,
which is sl avery, fought in order to make their lives a little bit more bearable. The whole
process consisted of finding joy in practices like corn shucking “some ex -slaves
remembered corn shuckings as their only good time” (Genovese 315) . According to an
ex-slave fr om Georgia, in corn shucking time slaves were not bothered and they were
offered drinks, which makes it easier to understand why on these occasions slaves had
such a good time. Another joyful episode was the hog -killing time, which rivaled corn
shucking “t hen there was hog -killing time, when long before day, the whole plantation
force was up with knives for killing, and seething cauldrons for scalding, and great doors
for scraping, and long racks for cooling the slaughtered swine . Out of the farmyard rallie d
all the farm hands” (Genovese 320). The reason why this was such an expected event was
because slaves could work and eat at the same time.
Although their masters tried by all means to break their spirit and to transform it
into something that corresponde d their own wil l, Africans found the courage to develop a
sense of resistance regarding the dehumaniza tion process. In order for the masters to
obtain a proper level of work, they had to compromise “even big slaveholders would join
in the work, as well as in the festivities and the drinking. They would demand that the
slaves sing, and the slaves would respond boisterously” (Genovese 318). The previous
citation reveals an important aspect of the slave -master relationship, namely the
acknowledgement of the sl aves’ importance concerning the good evolution of the
slaveholding class and of the society itself. The compromise coming from a former cruel
master can be perceived also as a need for keeping things under control, therefore
avoiding startling the slave ma sses.

Gradually, the black man started to acknowledge the weight that he has to endure,
the degradation caused by poverty, thus having to compare himself with the rich people,
striving to overcome his condition “to be a poor man is hard, but to be a poor race in a
land of dollars is the very bottom of hardships” (Du Bois 13). He came to acquire a sense
of self -consciousness, and by examining himself he realized that in order for him to
achieve his own autonomy he has to be himself, to accept his true nature “in those
sombre forests of his striving his own soul rouse before him, and he saw himself, darkly
as thro gh a veil; and he saw in himself some faint of revelation of his power, of his
mission” (Du Bois 13). So, black men started to strive for equality, always keeping in
mind the fact that all men are created equal, that every h uman being possesses a set of
rights.

Slavery’s Historical E volution

Slaves’ Reaction to B ondage

As it has been discussed in the first chapter, the evolution of the slave status was a
process out of which the indentured servant, status that black people had before the
development of slavery, became servant for life. The bondage for life had i ts origins in
servitude, which was considered a legal punishment for those convicts that were being
sent from Britain to the American colonies, especially in Virginia and Maryland “the
great majority of convicted servants were sent to Virginia and Maryland , where they were
put to work on tobacco plantations, whose owners were often drunken, brutal, and
sadistic” (Van Der Zee 51). In this exampl e we can notice that the firm treatment had its
starting point before the first Africans were brought in the coloni es.
In Virginia, men represented labor force, thus, they were associated with money
“Men were money in Virginia just as tobacco was money, to be seized and used and
exploited, if not by one owner, then by another more enterprising, greedier , more
ruthless” (Van Der Zee 84). On the one hand, we can say that life servitude had its
starting point in the need of enhancing the financial aspect of the leading class. It was an
obvious fact that profits went to those who controlled the most labor, which was seen as a
clear social statement that money was generated by crops that were in great need of
workers in order to expand. Once the leading class realized that, their whole perspective
regarding the indentured servitude was in the process of changing. On the other hand, life
bondage can be also considered to have its origins in a desperate need of developing the
economic factor in a land that appeared to be so hostile. Therefore , the need for men who
can accomplish their ideal image regarding the evolution of econo my.
An important aspect is the fact that the first Africans that were brought to
America shared the same status, that of indentured servants. The following quote
anticipates further wishes of escaping the debased condition due to the everyday life’s
condit ion: “The servants and negroes, after they have worn themselves down the whole

day, and gone home to rest, have yet to grind and pound the grain, which is generally
maize, for their masters and all their families as well as themselves” (Van Der Zee 104).
This is a very clear exemplification of the level of exploitation the servants along with the
black slaves had to endure in order to provide, besides monetary profits, the food which
was an important factor for their efficiency. Since the tobacco crops were at the center of
everyone’s attention those days, the only food available was corn. Due to the fact that
food was scarce, many servants got sick and not even their worsening condition was able
to gain their masters mercy “the master made him sick and lang uishing as he was, dig his
own grave, in which he was laid a few days afterwards, the others being too busy to dig
it, having their hands full in attending to the tobacco” (Van Der Zee 104).
The previous paragraph is used in order to illustrate some episod es from the
servants’ way of life, which are significant for justifying their future actions, namely the
revolts. In the first chapter are also given illustrative examples, so, if we are to connect
the similarities, it can be observed that the rebellious n ature of slaves lies in their former
condition of servants. Although there can be voices that may assume that the level of
injustice was not that extensive, what is important is that the need for freedom arouse
from all the adversity, which was to be found in the life of slaves from the beginning to
the end. Everything culminated with the transformation of black people into actual
property “in various colonies slaves were variously declared to be real or personal
(chattel) property” (Jordan 104).
The system of exploitation created upon the plantation system, and which had as a
main objective the economic wealth, gave birth to an important feature concerning the
nature of the slaves: rebellion. Rebellion can be considered their way of stating that they
want t heir freedom back, and that they did not identify with their movable property
nature. The need for freedom came as a reaction to bondage, and there was no secret that
signs of resistance could be found in every place slavery existed.
The fact that by 1730 one-third of the total population within the English colonies
were black people generated changes in the social atmosphere among different regions of
the colonies. By the middle of the eighteenth century, white population was being
outnumbered by the black masses of slaves and the primary concern of the moment was
the maintenance of discipline, which led to the enactment of the slave codes. “No English

colony remain without laws dealing specifically with the governance of Negroes, though
in England itself w ere no such statutes ” (Jordan 104). The enactment of slave codes
conveyed a clear sign of a fearful attitude towards possible slave revolts, and offered to
black people one more reason to fight for their freedom.
Slave codes varied from one colony to anoth er, but at the core they were very
similar. The outcome of this precautionary measure was the following: “Slaves were
forbidden to wander off their plantation without a ‘ticket’ from their master or overseer.
Slaves were not to be allowed to congregate in large numbers, carry clubs or arms, or
strike a white person” (Jordan 106). The slave codes represented a highly important in the
life of masters and white men, owing to the fact that they helped confirming their power
over the African slaves. Another aspe ct that made slave codes strongly resonate with the
white population was the fact that they were indirectly justifying the severities of slavery
“the Maryland legislature freed a mulatto girl whose master and mistress had cut off her
ears; the master’s cla im was, significa ntly, that the girl was a thief” (Jordan 109) .
Even though the purpose of the colonial slave codes was thought to be that of
disciplining the black people, it looks like there is another side of the story: “they aimed,
paradoxically, at di sciplining white men”. Moreover, white people were being told what
they had to do in order to maintain the discipline and to protect the safety and security of
everyone “the codes were for the eyes and ears of slaveowners” (Jordan 108 -109). It can
be said that at the base of this process of disciplining white men lies, in fact, some sort of
totalitarian control established to ensure the discipline upon which slavery laid, because
the whole social system depended upon slave labor.
The idea of a slave running away was a lot more feared than the idea of a slave
fighting, because it represented the most effective revolt that a slave could conceive.
Signs that Africans started to develop and grow a sense of self -consciousness started to
emerge when black represen tatives were being elected “in New England towns during
colonial times, Negro governors were elected” (Du Bois 200). This first signs of
self-consciousness symbolized the need to overcome their condition, and at the same
time, the aspiration towards equali ty and freedom, because they knew that in freedom
they would find their peace. The aspiration towards freedom was being fed by examples
from the real life “In the colonies, freed Negroes, like freed indentured white servants,

acquired property, founded fam ilies, and came into the political community, if they had
the energy, thrift, and fortune to get the necessary property” (Du Bois 200).
The image of a chaotic world was envisioned as a consequence of a subconscious
fear “The spectre of Negro rebellion pres ented an appalling world turned upside down, a
crazy nonsense world of black over white, an anti -community which was the direct
negation of the community as white men knew it” (Jordan 114). As it can be seen, a
future rebellion of the slaves is perceived l ike an apocalyptical event, an event that would
change the normal course of things. However, the fears of the white men as regards slave
insurrections, were exaggerated most of the time. The nature of slavery and the racial
distinctions upon which American slavery was based led to this entirely destructive
aspect of a social revolution. The image of the black man as a potential insurrectionary
was most common in the plantation colonies as well as in the North.
The retrenchment of the labor source on Southe rn plantation, which was a
consequence of the war, had two results: the changing of slavery “from a
slave -consuming to a slave -conserving system”, therefore, the behavior towards black
people changed in good, fact that led to a rapid increase of their numb er “from a million
to a million and three -quarters”. This had as a result the wish to repatriate black slaves in
Africa and the disposal of the free ones. Along with this came a growth of the cotton
crop, growth attached to the idea of the Cotton Kingdom. So, a new kind of slavery began
to appear, a slavery that had as a main objective the production more than the
consumption, fact that led to dangerous slave revolts and conspiracies. (Du Bois 201)
Among the most significant slave uprisings was the one that happened on a night
in 1712 in New York, when nine white men were slaughtered and wounded by a group of
about two dozen slaves who decided to ignite a building. Those involved were punished
according to their deeds: “the conspirators were haunted down (se veral cut their own
throats in preference to submission) and were quickly brought to trials that were
conducted with overenthusiasm yet within the law” (Jordan 116) . This conspiracy terrified
legislators, because it was a clear evidence of how bloody and da ngerous the thing could
get. Another pitiful event happened in the winter of 1740 -1741 when two Africans
burned down several barns, episode that led to their execution . (Jordan 116 -117)

The insurrection that had as a result the crystallization of the tend encies towards
harshness was that led by Nat Turner in Virginia. If we are to take a closer look at what
happened, it can be said that Nat Turner was not just a common slave, his power laid in
the fact that he knew how to write and read, things that endowe d him with some sort of
intelligence “ the singularity of my manners, I suppose , my uncommon intelligence for a
child, remarked I had too much sense to be raised, and if I was, I would never be of any
service to any one as a slave ” (Turner 8) . He emphasizes very clearly that he didn’t see
himself as a slave, because he was of other kind in terms of intellect, therefore, he
separated himself from the others. The insurrection started when Turner joined by his
friends, Sam, Nelson, Will and Jack decided to kill in order to obtain freedom. With his
innate qualities, Turner led the insurrection and killed fifty -one persons. Even though he
was charged with making insurrection and plotting to take the life of free white persons
he didn’t see himself as being guilty, because he had a greater purpose: freedom (Turner
8-21).
The actions mentioned above had as a result the enforcement of the laws that
prohibited the slaves from learning to write and read “forbidding Negroes to preach, and
interfering with their religious meetings” (Du Bois 202) . These precautions were proof
that the consequences of the African rebellion affected on a high scale the social system
at that time. Also, the fact that the rebellious nature of the slaves was solely related to
their level of education, suggests that the leading -class has underestimated the black
peoples’ ability wish to learn , always putting them to a level where their potential, at least
from an intellectual point of view, was regarded as not dangerous. Besides, t he decision
to forbid Africans to preach can be viewed as an indirect recognition of the black
people’s real potential, which was disguised in a dictatorial attitude: “South changed: it
strongly repressed the slaves by a more careful patrol system; it bega n to rationalize
slavery with t heories of race and inferiority ” (Du Bois 202) .
In response to the changes mentioned above, the numbers of the runaways toward
the North increased, laying the basis for the abolition movement. A clear example is
given in the following quote: “These runaways and the freedmen of the North soon began
to form a group of people who sought to consider the problem of slavery and the destiny
of the Negro in America” (Du Bois 202). This episode highlights also the inner

transformation of the black people, significant changes of attitude that conveyed
determination and hope for a better future, and a need for freedom that “burned in the
veins of the slaves” (Du Bois 202). The wish for freedom could be considered an
important component o f the slave life, because it was a source of power that helped
slaves in the process of surpassing all the obstacles and injustices, thus gaining a sense of
self-consciousness.

The Emancipation Proclamation and The Civil War

The two movements that appeared in the first part of the nineteenth century involved the
free Africans and the slaves, and their objectives were both “self -development and
protection through organization” (Du Bois 90) and a “distinct reversion to the older idea
of revolt and migration” (Du Bois 90). Along with these movements came the
establishment of a new economic basis for a new kind of slavery, fact that generated an
economic competition between the South and the industrialized North. So, the
Emancipati on Proclamation appeared both as a response to the need of stopping the
agriculture in the South, and for the necessity of employing African soldiers. It appears
that in the first two years of the war no black soldiers were wanted, because “it was
declared to be a white men’s war.” (Goldstein 134)
The Proclamation included important rights for slaves: “And by virtue of the
power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves
within said designated States and parts of S tates are, and henceforward shall be free! And
that the Executive Government of the United States, including the Military and Naval
Authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons” (Simon and
Shuster 201). On one hand, there we re great promises those made by the President
Abraham Lincoln, considering the fact that he promised freedom to all the persons held
as slaves, which was a great step to progress, as far as African people are concerned. He
invoked the judgement of mankind regarding his action and he regarded The
Emancipation Proclamation as an act of justice. The idea that former slaves could live as

free individuals, moreover, that they could even join the armed service of the United
States and enjoy a normal way of life, was an ideal that slaves could only dream of. In
exchange for this ideal they were asked to avoid violence, and when they were given the
chance to work faithfully for their wages.
On the other hand, although Lincoln made a goal out of the emancipation, th ere
were voices that have claimed the fact that Lincoln’s will to free the enslaved people was
in fact a measure taken more for the sake of the country, than for the Africans’ sake. A
piece of evidence is his first sentence regarding the preliminary Emanci pation
Proclamation, whi ch comprised his goal: “I . . . declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the
war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation
between the United States and each of the states” (Schwartz 593). Lincoln’s words show
that his attention focused on the future of the country, and that the emancipation was part
of a process that aimed at the restauration of the constitutional relation between the
American states. There was a battle between his moral an d political concern, the
objective of his moral concern was to liberate the slaves, while that of his political
concern was to convince the blacks to leave the country (Schwartz 593).
The idea that the Emancipation Proclamation was not used only for the be nefit of
the slaves, but also for the sake of political rewards, seeking to gain the sympathy of the
people is illustrated in the quote “Emancipation thus came as a war measure to break the
power of the Confederacy, preserve the Union, and gain the sympath y of the civilized
world” (Du Bois 206). In fact, the proclamation was regarded more as a wartime policy,
like Lincoln said: “the slightest knowledge of arithmetic will prove to any man that the
rebel armies cannot be destroyed with Democratic strategy. It would sacrifice all the
white men of the North to do it.” (Du Bois 206) The previous words serve to emphasize
even more Lincoln’s political concern, thus conveying a strong nationalism.
As regards the reaction to the Emancipation Proclamation when the pre ss pf the
North made public the act in which the president of the United States “orders and
declares all slaves within ten of the states of the Confederacy to be free” (Simon and
Schuster 201), the reactions were divided. Some people decided to leave this decision to
the instincts of humanity and to convey some sort of understanding towards the measure
by which millions of humans, seen as inferior due to their race, are spared of

extermination, but at the same time, they are somehow encouraged “to abstain f rom
violence unless in necessary self -defense.” (Simon and Schuster 203) The last provision
generated a feeling of detestation pointing to those who committed murder, but also a
feeling of contempt for their rage, described as impotent. (Simon and Schuster 203)
There were also voices that have argued that the President Abraham Lincoln tried
to conceal the real purpose of his actions by repeating on different occasions solemn
assurances, thus disguising it “by every variety of artful devices” (Simon and Schu ster
204). For the purpose of explanation a paragraph of Lincoln’s declaration dating from
March 1861 was extracted: “I declare that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to
interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I be lieve I have no
lawful right to do so; and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and
elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations
and had never recanted them.” (Simon and Schuster 204)
The people o f the Confederacy are thought to have received the proclamation as a
natural result of their sagacity, regarding the foresight of use of their power. Another
effect of the Emancipation Proclamation was that of calming the fears of the people who
underlined that fact that the war might end “by some reconstruction of the old union or
some renewal of close political relations with the United States” (Simon and Schuster
205). The proclamation served as a guarantee for the impossibility of this kind of
consequen ces, establishing a state of things which had to had as a result one of the
following situations: either the extinction of the slaves, the white population’s exile from
the Confederacy or the separation of those States from the United States (Simon and
Schuster 205).
The actual purpose of Lincoln was not to abolish slavery, but to preserve the
Union and that was the reason for which The Civil War was fought. And so, the slave
became an important pawn in this war (Simon and Schuster 180). “The slave during T he
Civil War provided an element of strength to the Confederacy” (Goldstein 133), but not
all seem to have agreed with this fact. Some people saw the African slaves as “passive,
docile, uncomprehending recipient of freedom” (Goldstein 133), fact that illus trated that
the adversity towards black people was not that easily removed. Africans were
considered to be the only people in the world that did nothing in order to obtain their

freedom, but there are voices that argue the opposite, namely that they “playe d a vital
part in the war” (Goldstein 133).
At first, although a considerable number of slaves offered to serve in the army,
they were rejected, because “during the first two years of war no one wanted Negro
soldiers” (Du Bois 205). When the Governor of Ma ssachusetts was authorized to raise
two regiments of black troops, Frederick Douglass and others conducted the enlistment,
process that had as a result the enlistment of one hundred and eighty -seven thousand
Africans in the Northern armies. Africans did so well that they even received words of
praise: “Their conduct was heroic. No troops could be more determined or more daring”
(Du Bois 206). These last words could serve as a proof for how badly slaves were willing
to gain their freedom back, determination which can be noted in their actions.
The moment when Lincoln came to the realization that slaves represented the key
to The Civil War, that was the instant when he began to mention slaves’ emancipation
along with colonization plans, because he could not im agine free Africans inhabiting the
United States in large numbers (Goldstein 137). Lincoln came to recognize that “slaves
had to be free” (Goldstein 137), as thousands of them already were. So, in order not to
lose the essential support of the world, he pu blicly stated that The North was fighting for
emancipation. What made the enslaved Africans the key to The Civil War was the fact
that “he recognized that either the slave would fight in the army or there would not be
enough men to fight in the army” (Gold stein 137), reality that contrasted with the initial
idea, which highlighted the notion of Civil War as belonging only to white men: “the war
was viewed as a white man’s war to save the Union.” (Goldstein 134)
If we are to compare the condition of the blac k men, that of slave and of soldier, it
could be presumed that this evolving process illustrates a great leap to progress regarding
the condition of slave “Viewed merely as property, and therefore as subject of
impressment, the service of labor of the slav e has been frequently claimed for short
periods in the construction of defensive work” (Simon and Schuster 206). Now, however,
the slave has another meaning as regards the war, and he is finally perceived as a person.
For the first time, the need for slave s is acknowledged beyond the working sphere. If in
the past the only relation contemplated was that taking place between the slave and his

master, now, another kind of relationship is emerging, that between the state and the
slave, seen as a person (Simon and Schuster 206).
Another important factor of the war was the “anti -negro sentiment” (Goldstein
141) that seem to prevail in the North. That had as a result the North’s reluctance
concerning the price that had to be paid in order to maintain the Union, be cause the North
“was not abolitionist” (Goldstein 138). The reason of its attitude was related to the
unwillingness to do much about slavery, as long as it did not interfere with the northern
life (Goldstein 138). This feeling of indifference towards the s ituation of the South
conveys a sense of superiority as regards the North as national entity. Moreover, the
reluctant attitude directed to the black people generated serious riots, including the
general riot from New York, whose purpose was to turn against the African community
(Goldstein 141). Seen as a cause of the war and as a threat, black people became a target
for the New Yorkers’ attacks: “New Yorkers attacked all blacks they could lay their
hands on.” (Goldstein 141)
Aside from the Emancipation Proc lamation, the act that militated for the ending
of slavery was The Thirteenth Amendment, in which the Republican Platform had
declared:

“. . . as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the strength of the Rebellion, and as it must
be, always and ever ywhere, hostile to the principles of Republican Government, justice and the
National safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from the soil of the Republic; and that,
while we upload and maintain the acts and proclamations by which the Government, in its own
defense, has aimed a deathblow at this gigantic evil, we are in favor, furthermore, of such an
amendment to the Constitution, to be made by the people in the conformity with its provisions, as
shall terminate and forever prohibit the existence o f Slavery within the limits of the jurisdiction of
the United States.” (Simon and Schuster 209)

The reason for supporting the end of slavery lies in the recognition of the slaves’
implication in everything that the war involved. Therefore, the prohibitio n of slavery was
about justice as regards the black folk. Moreover, both slavery and involuntary servitude
were to be removed from the United States. (Simon and Schuster 210)
As a form of insurance the Freedmen’s Bureau was established, so as to protest
the slaves released from bondage (Simon and Schuster 210). Its activity was

characterized by various actions like providing food, clothing, jobs and even educational
facilities, thus representing a “direct federal aid to individuals” (Simon and Schuster
210). As Du Bois ex plained, the Federal Bureau disappeared as a result of the South’s
ignorance regarding all its good deeds, and then the Fifteenth Amendament took place
(38). Moreover, “despite compromise, war and struggle, the Negro was not free” (Du
Bois 3 9). And because the black folk remained a class with restricted rights and
privileges a greater movement had to take place.

The Civil Rights Movement

The Civil Rights Movement can be described as the activity of a number of organized
groups, such as: National Association for the Advancement of colored people (NAACP),
Congress of National Equality (CORE), National Urban League, Southern Christian
Leadership Conference (SCLC), and Student Nonviolent Coordinating (SNCC). (Jackson
3) The movement commenced in Montgomery Alabama, on 1 December 1995, and it is
also known as “the cradle of the Confederacy” (Goldstein 182). The moment when Mrs.
Rosa Parks rejected the cooperation with the system of segregation on the ci ty buses,
refusing to give her seat to a white man, represents the instant when the modern -day
revolution started (Goldstein 182). This event led to the Montgomery bus strike in
December, which ended with a victory (Goldstein 183).
This event generated a s eries of events of major importance for the colored
people. Not only has it offered black people “a sense of their own worth” (Goldstein
183), but it also determined the colored race to stand up for themselves and their values,
giving them an impulse to ai m to emancipation (Goldstein 183). The third meaningful
side of this event was the fact that it offered a national leader to the black people, and that
was Martin Luther King Jr. (Goldstein 186). The manner Martin Luther King impacted
the life of colored p eople was such, that he was soon regarded as “the moral leader of
America” (Goldstein 186). He became an emblematic figure, and it can also be
considered a result of the fact that colored men desperately needed a leader since the
death of T. Washington. Hi s great personality was highlighted in the following citation:
“He was faith with work: he was prayer in action. He took religion outside the sacred

walls of the sanctuaries, cathedrals and synagogues. This was unique. This was different.
This was welcomed .” (Goldstein 186)
The program action established by Martin Luther King brought together many
people, who were voluntarily offering their help, seeking justice in return. His most
prominent accomplishments are considered to be The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and The
Voting Rights of 1965 (Goldstein 197). In his work “Why we can’t wait”, King stated
that throughout the history, Africans were perceived as creatures who could endure in
silence and who could patiently wait (2). As a result. “three hundred years of humiliation,
abuse and deprivation cannot be expected to find a voice in a whisper. The storm clouds
did not release a gentle rain from heaven” (King Jr. 3) but a whirling which has not yet
spent its force or attained its full momentum (King Jr. 3). The q uotation illustrates the
colored people’s need for justice, after centuries of humiliation, it also underlines the fact
that justice can be achieved only through deeds of great impact, thus anticipating a
revolution.
The “storm clouds” (King Jr. 3) brought with them the Revolution of 1963, which
resulted from the need of black people to obtain equal living conditions and also a share
of the governing power (King Jr. 11). One of the reasons for the outbreak from 1963 has
its origins in the disappointment of the African people regarding the slow pace school
desegregation: “at the beginning of 1963, nine years after the historic decision,
approximately 9 percent of southern Negro students were attending integrated schools”
(King Jr. 5). Another reason of dissat isfaction was the disappointment with the political
parties. Both the Democratic and the Republican party, have made no major attempts to
keep their promises: “the Democratic party had written an historic and sweeping
civil-rights pronouncement” (King Jr. 7), while “the Republican party had been generous
in its convention vows on civil rights” (King Jr. 7). Another important factor that brought
black people out of their houses was the acknowledgement that one hundred years had
passed since emancipation, wit h no remarkable outcome, and that “emancipation was a
Proclamation but not a fact.” (King Jr. 11)
In addition, the economic situation of black people was characterized by
economic insecurity, poverty and deprivation, thus they were located at the bottom of the
economic ladder (King Jr.12). Their lives were governed by two circles of segregation:

“one imprisons them on the basis of color, while the other confines them within a
separate culture of poverty” (King Jr. 13). Therefore, King tries to fight for the ir rights, in
order for them to be able to enjoy a proper education and also normal social and
economic opportunities (King Jr. 13). The colored man’s situation contrasts with that of a
white person, isolating African -Americans from the rest of the world. Moreover, as
regards employment, colored men received only the lowest -paid jobs, making a failure
out of their attempt to change their situation, because “he was walled in by the tall barrier
of discrimination.” (King Jr. 14)
Martin Luther King also stress es the fact that black people played a great part in
building the nation, stating that everything was done through slave work (14). The result
of his work is denied by the hypocrisy with which he is now told by employers and
unions that “there was no place for him in the industry” (King Jr. 14). It was like the
mansions, the bridges, the docks and the factories of the South could not be noticed, as if
they were not proof enough that the colored man is capable of achieving great things. So,
black people came to realize that they were not rightfully free, but despite of that reality,
they opted for nonviolence in their fight for equality.
The 1954 -1964 decade is described as one of a protest movement attempting to
remove the barriers created by discrimination and one of social movement, attempting to
achieve “the fact of equality” (Jackson 3 -4). The Civil Rights Movement pleaded for the
cause of racial integration and when questioned, leaders of the civil rights organizations
issued arguments to support this pr inciple (Goldstein 214). Martin Luther King came to
the conclusion that white people could improve their situation without placing a barrier in
front of those who cannot escape their color (29). In this decade, nonviolence was
regarded as an asset in the p rocess of change through legal ways, and at the same time, it
was “a proof of a certain sophistication on the part of the Negro masses” (King Jr. 30 -31).
In addition, nonviolence helped the colored man to transform hatred into constructive
energy, seeking not only to free himself, but also to free his enemy from his sins (King Jr.
32).
An example of this kind was Eugene “Bull” (King Jr. 45) Connor, a racist who
spread brutality and directed it towards black people, claiming that he knew how to deal

with col ored people. Because of him, Birmingham became a city whose general
atmosphere was that of violence and brutality:

“If you went shopping with your mother or father, you would trudge along as they purchased at
every counter, except one, in the large or sm all stores. If you were hungry or thirsty you would
have to forget about it until you got back to the Negro section of town, for in your city it was a
violation of the law to serve food to Negroes at the same counter with whites.” (King Jr. 45)

In this c ontext, the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights was organized in
the spring of 1956. Owing to the activity of this organization, Albert Boutwell was
elected as mayor of Birmingham and the racist episode was over (King Jr. 50).

The Civil Rights Mo vement and Other Black Oraganizations

The Civil Rights Movement from 1964 was considered one of the most important action
of Martin Luther King Jr. It is considered to be the most comprehensive piece if civil
rights legislation ever proposed, its enactme nt taking place on July 2, 1964 (Simon and
Schuster 524). This was the moment that marked a genuine achievement of equality by
letter of law, owing to the fact that the law aimed for the change in different areas of
black people’s life, its structure insur ing rights for colored people “in as many area s of
public life as possible” (Simon and Schuster 525). Besides, for a best implementation of
the acts, the establishment of two agencies was programmed in order to facilitate the
process. As it can be observed , the process of enactment of the Civil Rights was one of
great importance, and even the Supreme Court took immediate action in order to decide
the constitutionality of the action being taken. Thus, after five months of its enactment,
the act was passed

“An act to enforce the constitutional right to vote, to confer jurisdiction upon the district courts of
the United States to provide injunctive relief against discrimination in public commodities, to
authorize the Attorney General to institute suits to pro tect constitutional rights in public facilities

and public education, to extend the Commission on Civil Rights, to prevent discrimination in
federally assisted programs, to establish a Commission on Equal Employment Opportunity, and
for other purposes.” (S imon and Schuster 526)

It appears like the dream of African people was about to come true, because The Civil
Rights Act could have been viewed as a written promise, and although there were many
promises made in the past, the present one seemed genuine. T hey were no longer isolated
from the rest of the white men, they no longer had to wait until get to “the Negro section
of town” (King 45) in case they were thirsty or hungry, the now had the same rights as
white people.
The second most important event was the moment when colored people were
allowed to vote “No person acting under color of law shall deny the right of any
individual to vote in any federal election” (Simon and Schuster 256), this was the
statement that enabled African -Americans to be a part of the future of the United States,
the moment when it was acknowledged the fact that they, along with white men
represented a significant whole for the country. They were now able to choose a leader in
whom they believed, without anyone judging their decisi on, owing to the fact that the
word “vote” had equal meaning for each and every one of the citizens of America.
All this was possible thanks to Martin Luther King Jr., who remained an
emblematic figure in the history of black people. As he had said “Someho w God gave me
the power to transform the resentments, the suspicions, the fears and the
misunderstandings I found that week into faith and enthusiasm” (74). Furthermore, he
succeeded not only to become a great leader for its own race, but also to bring fai th into
the hearts of those for whom injustice became so common. He focused not only on the
racial gap between black and white people, but also on “the ethical challenge of wrong
and right” (King Jr. 198), reality through which he changed the American law.
In addition, starting with the second half of the twentieth century, the history of
the black people was also marked by an essential juncture, generated by the
acknowledgement of the black people’s oppression as a social problem, a problem that
needed to be taken into consideration (Goldstein 243). There had been taken judicial and
administrative decisions favorable to colored people, that prefigurated the decision of the

Supreme Court as regards Brown vs. Board of Education, reality which came to support
the ideal of freedom for all the citizens, regardless of their color (Goldstein 244).
A phenomenon that contrasted with the nonviolent approach of Marin Luther
King Jr., and which aro use from the fight for justice was the concept of Black
Nationalism. This phenomenon was something new and it could be traced back to the
eighteenth century (Goldstein 245). Many expressions of black nationalism, which had a
great meaning for the black com munity, took place in the decade of the 1960’s (Goldstein
246). A result of this concept was that it extended beyond its membership, and few
people belonging to the black community were able to escape its influence “they are
found among college and high sc hool students; in police departments; in armed forces;
among athletes, poets, and playwrights; and in virtually all professional organizations
which have black members.” (Goldstein 246)
The Black Community Development and Defense (BCD) was established on
January 1968, its objective was to introduce a new value system for the
African -American community (Goldstein 246). Among African -Americans, freedom was
regarded as “the freeing of one nation (culture) from the domination of another”
(Goldstein 246). The q uote itself conveys the idea of establishing a new value system, a
system that will allow each culture free power of expression, irrespective of its
background. Moreover, although back then it was considered that black people were
lacking in unity and were also seen as powerless, the leaders of the BCD denied alliances
with white groups (Goldstein 246).
The Black Panther party, established in 1966 in Oakland had as a fundamental
goal the total integration of black people within the white community, thus bec oming a
leading black nationalist organization (Goldstein 246). Its national newspaper presented
every week the platform of the organization, consisting of the following ten points:

“(1) the freedom of black people to determine the destiny of their commu nity; (2) full
employment; (3) an end to the white robbery in the black community which meets the needs of
black people; (4) decent housing; (5) a system of education in the black community which meets
the needs of black people; (6) the exemption of all bl ack men from military service; (7) the end of
police brutality and murder in the black community; (8) the release of all black people from jails

and prisons; (9) the trial of black people accuse of crimes by juries of black people; (10) land,
bread, housin g, education, clothing, justice, and peace.” (Goldstein 247)

These represented the general objectives of every organization that was militating for
integration, transmitting the idea that the majority of these changes had a reformist
character. It also p romoted a Marxist -Leninist ideology, encouraging armed self -defense,
an aspect than again contrasted with the nonviolent approach promoted by Martin Luther
King (Goldstein 247). The contrast between the two approaches could also indicate a
feeling of despa ir, a need for an environment that could embrace two different cultures.
The words of Martin Luther King were: “Poor people’s lives are disrupted and
dislocated every day. We want to put a stop to this. Poverty, racism and discrimination
cause families to be kept apart, men to become desperate, women to live in fear and
children to starve” (Goldstein 200), as a result, the Poor People’s campaign was founded
as an attempt to promote a decent society. The Poor People’s Campaign used direct mass
action as a st rategy, in order to mobilize and underline the power of people for achieving
their goals (Goldstein 208). The result of the campaign was the fact that it showed to the
world the paradox of a widespread poverty in a nation regarded as rich, and it also
succeeded through serious efforts to fight hunger, disease, economic oppression and
unemployment (Goldstein 209).

Slavery’s Social Impact

The Issue of Race

The problem o f race is a very controversial aspect within the American and the British
culture, and is related to the concept of white racism, which in present days do es not
express publicly negative aspects o f the black people anymore, but it is still deeply rooted
in the American mentality fact that is very well highlighted by the following quotation
“Race remains a problem of the heart, but the politics of race has become more complex,
more divisive, morally more problematic.” (Sniderman and Pi azza 2) The issue of ra ce
emerged since the very beginning of slavery, and racism seems to be reinforced by the
traditional American values, reality that generated different patterns of conflict as regards
race (Sniderman and Pi azza 2 -5). Studies reveal that for Americans the is sue of race is of
high importance “the feelings of race matters deeply to them, and they kn ow where they
stand on it.” (Sniderman and Pi azza 16) Moreover, the central structure of conflict over
race transformed the character of race into an issue, which ha s to do with the antipathies
directed towards black people. The racial conflict comprises various aspects that include
racial integration in different areas of social life, among which education, employment
opportunities and politics (Sni derma n and Pi azza 17).
From another perspective, differences are encouraged to be celebrated, and this is
also the case of Britain “Be ethnic and interesting. Be tolerant to our differences. Put on
our saris, and dance the dance of the exotic and desirable, because in this melting pot, in
this world of colour and spice, aren’t we after all different but equal?” (Owusu 296) . As it
can be seen, although differences are supposed to be celebrated, the author underlines
somehow ironically the melting pot characteristic of Britain , putting side by side the
conc epts of difference and equality and rhetorically question ing them, thus conveying the
idea that racism is present even in Britain.
In addition, the problem of race is descri bed as “an emotional issue” (Sni derman
and Pi azza 18 ), and for that reason, the resistance to racial equality it is not expressed in
the form of a normal alliance, but it takes the form of a bloc, that transforms every effort

towards progress that a black person makes into a difficult process ( Sniderman and
Piazza 18). Studies have showed that this process of opposing to any effort that could
make things better for the African -Americans became the very core of racial politics.
This comes as a consequence of the white people’s feeling regarding the black
comm unity, because the manner in which white people react is based on deeper beliefs
regarding the other race, thing that has not much to do with the judge ment of particular
policies (Sni derman, Tetlock and Crmines 18). On a deeper level, the general politics of a
racial issues is regarded mostly the same and it is summed up to the same question “Are
you sympathetic to Negroes as a group, are you indifferent to th em or do you dislike
them?” (Sni derman, Tetlock and Carmines 18) As it can be observed, the issue o f race
aims towards the human side of every individual, the emotional side, which comprises
feelings of sympathy or indifference, fact that conveys the idea that our emotional system
is somehow at the center of our perspective regarding different subjects, including the
concept of race.
When it comes to Great Britain, observing someone’s physical differences is not
regarded as polite, especially in this big melting pot, where color -blindness is considered
to be also a form of politeness (Owusu 296). In real ity, things are not quite so, because
differences are present in everyone’s blood, fact that leads to “Being British is in the
blood” (Owusu 296), consequently “Blacks can’t be British” (Owusu 296). Apparently,
one cannot speak, look or dress like an Engli shman if these peculiarities are not already
in someone’s blood line, the process of learning to become something that you are not ,
being regarded as something impossible (Owusu 296).
Another important aspect regarding the issue of race is that of the ster eotypes,
which are also depicted as “pictures in the head.” (Sni derman, Tetlock and Carmines
104) Researchers have found that stereotyping is a process that focuses on the beliefs
hold by the members of a dominant group as regards other minority groups, th ese beliefs
reflect prejudiced attitudes, as wel l as discriminant behavior (Sni derman, Tetlock and
Carmines 104). The racial problem has its roots in the fact that both black people and
white people are separated from different beliefs, which results in a racial conflict, bas ed
on a “we -they mentality” (Sni derman, Tetlock and Carmines 107), generating a gap
between the two classes of people.

A generation ago, stereotypes about blacks were wide -spread, the question is if nowadays
are they still predominant. Preconceived ideas about black people share the same content,
for example “blacks are inherently less intelligent and worthy as whites, or that blacks
suffer from failing less of ability than of character.” (Sniderman and Pi azza 35). These
racial stereotyp es can b e encountered all over the United States, and can be regarded as a
result of ignoranc e or as a lack of education (Sniderman and Pi azaa 35). However, not
much was done in this regard, considering the fact that from the 1950’s until the 1990’s
survey s have not conveyed an exact measur ement of racial stereotypes (Sniderman and
Piazza 35).
For a hundred years, Africans people encountered difficulties concerning their
appellative. Between 1830 -1840, the term “Negro” was frequently used and it was related
to the Nation Negro Convention Movement, which rejected the idea of colonization and
supported the rights of black people (Fuchs 181). Furthermore, right before the Civil
War, the term of “Anglo -American” was being used, and it conveyed a historical link to
Europe, but the most common was the term “Afro -American” (Fuchs 181). The relation
between the term “Afro -American” and the image that portrayed Africans as savages
generated a feeling of discontent on the side of many individuals (Fuchs 181). The
momen t when Martin Luther King Jr. introduced the term “American Negro” its
explanation was that the African is “a true hybrid combination of two races.” (Fuchs 182)
The word “Negro” was believed to be a word used by white people in order to underline
the infer ior nature of black people, not realizing that the feeling of inferiority could not be
comprised in a name (Fuchs 182).
The man who encouraged Africans to an identity and a name of their own, stating
that “no one will know who we are until we know who we are” (Fuchs 182), was Malcom
X, who, like Martin Luther King, became an important figure among Afro -Americans, he
himself choosing his name twice. He encouraged people to fight for the things they want,
to choose their own identity, and he found the majori ty of his audience among black
people from urban ghettos (Fuchs 183). Gradually, affirmations of ethnic identity started
to emerge, fact that arouses from the understanding that the term “Negro” or “Black”
could not determine the value of a man, but there were also people who viewed the term
“Black” as belonging to an ideology of separatism (Fuchs 183).

Racial Inequalities

Racial inequalities can be described as shifts “from the status arena tot the political and
economic arena” (Sinderman, Tetlock and Carmines 127), thus causing socioeconomic
differences between black and white communities. Analyzing the issue from an economic
point of view, it can be said that the economic gap between blacks and whites was
obvious “as long as he evaluates h is economic status in relation to other Negroes, he may
be fairly well satisfied, but when he begins to judge his status in relation to whites, he
ranks himself lower and is less satisfied.” (Glenn and Bonjean 23) Black people were
often placed in a low -paid or occupational areas, and even having the same occupations
as white people, their salary was lower (Glenn and Bonjean 27).
If we were to make a comparison between blacks and whites, we would realize
which were the winners and which were the losers in a life governed by race. In order to
provide an example, two questions must be asked “(1) What do poor youth want?” and
“(2) What is the social impact of race on the social factors that appear to facilitate or
block attainment of their expressed goals?” (Gl enn and Bonjean 65). One might claim
that the poor black people dislike the good life, but for that to be stated, black people
should know, above all, how it feels to enjoy that kind of life, because their exclusion
from the middle -class society should not be considered a solution, but rather a form of
alienation (Glenn and Bonjean 65).
Some data reveal the fact that poor adolescents do not want to be marginalized
when it comes to the academic environment (Glenn and Bonjean 65). Furthermore, they
do not per ceive the middle -class culture as “crass or overly commercial” (Glenn and
Bonjean 65), and at the same time, they do not refuse the regular employment pattern.
Their marginalization can be regarded more as a result of the lack of resources, such as
social, material and psychological resources, than as a deliberate rejection of their system
of values (Glenn and Bonjean 65). Besides, in contradistinction to the wealthy white
adolescents, poor adolescents do not have the privilege to encounter adults who have the
power to make a change regarding the socialization process, the number of people who
are willing to help being small (Glenn and Bonjean 65).

The result of a comparison made between a group of both black and white high
school students, with a low -income , from three different Eastern cities and a group of
first-rate trainees, who were not in school, revealed that both groups conveyed a desire
for “jobs with good pay and steady work” (Glenn and Bonjean 66), and they also wanted
to be able to use their own ideas (Glenn and Bonjean 66). Moreover, from the students
who were not attending school, only half of them perceived themselves as being on a
wrong path, they believed that the fact that people are unhappy cannot be changed, and
that it was difficult to ac hieve the things they really desired (Glenn and Bonjean 66).
Unlike them, their counterparts stated: “I feel that I am a person of worth, at least on an
equal plane with others” (Glenn and Bonjean 66), or “I enjoy being with people” (Glenn
and Bonjean 66).
Another important aspect is that of the racial differences with reference to family
background, because they also generate racial differences in career aspirations. The most
important factor in terms of family resources seem to be the parents, because, if the father
has an education and a job, and if both parents support their children, the chances are that
the children would at least receive an education, which is deeply connected to the career
(Glenn and Bonjean 71). Another example that underlines the i dea of racial prejudice and
the contrast between blacks and whites is the fact that, even though the black father is as
educated as the white father, it is more likely for him to be unemployed (Glenn and
Bonjean 71). Consequently, the poor black youth is o ffered an example of a father who
chose education as a way to success and then failed, thus conveying a feeling of
uncertainty, disappointment and also a lower level of aspiration (Glenn and Bonjean 71).
The lower level of aspiration can be related to the unfair system, that has at its
core the concept of race, thus creating a gap between whites and blacks. Although the
lower level of aspiration is met among both black and white people there are some
differences. White people consider that their lower aspir ation comes from accepting their
lack of ability and from adjusting their goals at a lower level, whereas black people
regard their defeat more as a consequence of an unjust system (Glenn and Bonjean 72).
There is evidence that poor youths express the desi re to be a part of the middle class, but
“it is far from easy for them to make the grade” (Glenn and Bonjean 72), due to the fact
that they lack the necessary resources, which are very important in the process of

attaining a goal (Glenn and Bonjean 72). Un fortunately, the poor adolescents were not
lacking just resources of social, occupational and intellectual nature, the lack was present
even in the medical and dental care, reality that determined them to migrate from one
community to another (Glen and Bon jean 73).
A further sign of discrimination was the ignorance directed towards the “Negro
Market” (Glenn and Bonjean 87). Some studies have described the “Negro Market” as “a
distinct geographic, social, and psychological reality based not only on certain p hysical
characteristics, but also on common experiences of exclusion and deprivation” (Glenn
and Bonjean 87), and so, black people were regarded as a part of population isolated from
the white community (Glenn and Bonjean 87). Furthermore, there were voice s which
argued that, taking into account the fact that blacks and whites have some characteristics
and behavior patterns in common, they could be regarded as a “market” (Glenn and
Bonjean 87). The next problem would be related to the factors that generated the
consumption -patterns, and the main factor was considered to be race, due to the fact that
it generated all other differences, which brought with them differences in the
consumption -pattern in return (Glenn and Bonjean 89).
Even if at the beginning of the twentieth century a part of the black people moved
into the industrial service, there were also a great number of white workers doing the
same thing. Moreover, the big step towards equality was taken once with the entry of the
Unite States into The Sec ond Word War, which happened owing to the fact that a great
number of civilian workers were recruited into the Armed Services, thus generating a
labor shortage (Glenn and Bonjean 23).Unfortunately, a great part of the components that
were needed in order t o make a living, such as the access to good schools and also decent
jobs depended upon economic circumstances, which for black people are not that
fortunate, and also not that many, taking into consideration the fact that “blacks were fit
only for the most menial jobs.” (Fuchs 431)
The differences between the two classes were present not only in the occupational
area but also as regards the income “35 per cent of Negro families had incomes below
$3,000 in 1965, compared with onl y 14 per cent of white famili es” (Glenn and Bonjean
87). The income gap was closed during The Second World War and in the post war
period, when the income has increased for both blacks and whites (Glenn and Bonjean

29). By 1980 emerged several strategies that promoted equal economic o pportunities for
African -Americans as an attempt to erase the traces that were left by three hundred years
of racism in the education and employment areas, attempt that became controversial
(Fuchs 432). The issue of “counting -by-race remedies” (Fuchs 432) generated complex
dilemmas as regards the distinct outlooks of the civic culture.
In Great Britain, the situation is not very different, given the fact that Black
Britons encounter the same issues of high rates of unemployment and low income, which
genera te higher levels of poverty “In 1990, the Child Poverty Action Group estimated
that 10.5 million people, including 3 million children, were living in poverty in Britain”
(Owusu 327), the highest rate of inequality being recorded between 1979 and 1988
(Owus u 327). The poverty among Black Britons was generated by discrimination in the
credit market, the areas known to be inhabited to a great extent by blacks being avoided
by money lenders (Owusu 327).
Even though statistics suggest the fat that g aps are a part of the Black Britons way
of living, they fought to overcome them, and that can be observed in the educational area,
which is also a significant one (Owusu 329). In terms of percentage, The Policy Study
Institute found that 56% of Britain’s B lack sixteen -to-nineteen -year-olds were in
full-time education, whereas the same thing applied only for 37% of whites, conveying
the evidence that young Black Britons have higher chances to continue their education
after the age of sixteen (Owusu 329). Fur thermore, another area in which Black Britons
started to succeed was the commercial area “the so -called ‘Black pound’ is becoming
significant within the British economy” (Owusu 329), blacks being also recognized in the
advertising and marketing areas.
In America, one of the people who acknowledged the fact that racism is still a
part of the American mentality was president Reagan, when, referring to a racial attack he
stated: “Racism is still in us, North and South” (Fuchs 375). When black people began to
inhabit the white community, white neighborhoods or schools, or in the areas with a
predominant number of white people, white ethnic groups felt like their private sphere
was invaded (Fuchs 375). When it comes to the conflict over school integration, it c an be
said that it has changed over the decades, shifting from individual acts to acts of violence.
Along with the conflict over school integration, protests against housing integration

started to emerge, and it was a consequence of the fact that “poor whi tes felt trapped by
incoming blacks” (Fuchs 375), thus a feeling of fear as regards a potential black invasion
was spread among the white community (Fuchs 375). An example in this case could be
that of the city Yonkers, where a court order called for housi ng blacks in a neighborhood
inhabited by white people, generating a feeling of discontent among the white community
(Fuchs 375).
Consequently, various acts of racial violence started to take place, one of which
happened in 1987, in Queens, when “a young bl ack man was struck and killed by a car
after a band of teenagers chased him onto a highway” (Fuchs 376). In response, infuriated
Afro -Americans protestants blocked the traffic, stopping the service on eight subway
lines (Fuchs 376). Another act of racial v iolence was also committed by white teenagers,
who shot to death a sixteen -years -old black boy, who “was headed for a birthday party”
(Fuchs 376), event that led to protest demonstrations and also to discussions based upon
racial violence (Fuchs 376). The acts of racial and ethnic violence were often committed
by teenagers and young adults (Fuchs 377). Other forms of racism were the spraying of
racial slogans, racial jokes and also physical, which brought with them series of
investigations, plus the introdu ction of special training programs meant to overcome the
racial tensions (Fuchs 377).
By the end of the twentieth century, a complex institutional structure arose from
the civil rights movement of the 1950’s and 1960’s, and it was created for the protectio n
of the black people’s rights, along with those of all Americans (Fuchs 381). The structure
included “laws against acts of discrimination and against bigotry -motivated crimes, and
new agencies and systems to enforce those laws. There was a new and powerfu l etiquette
of public discourse concerning race, religion and ethnicity” (Fuchs 381). Of course, these
laws did not have the power to erase bigotry or discrimination, but they could help
prevent their violent manifestations (Fuchs 381).
The idea that the g roup membership, be it black, Hispanic or Asian has as a result an
inequality of powers produced by patterns of past discrimination, became a subject of
debate (Fuchs 405). According to this premise “the right to be free from explicit
discrimination and pr otected against bigotry -motivated crimes” (Fuchs 405) was not
enough, unless the active intervention of the government along with the other institutions

would affirm this equality, thus reversing the oppression (Fuchs 405). In order to promote
equality of opportunity a series of action programs took place between 1970 -1980, being
unanimously accepted. As a result, various programs for recruiting, train and rewarding
black people were created (Fuchs 406).

Racist Attitudes N owadays

Even nowadays, race rep resents a big problem in America, and the conflict between races
is still in full swing. Racial tensions generated killings among black people, black
teenagers being killed by white police officers, thus causing acute social discussions,
which means that t he race problem is still an actual issue, that has to be solved (Jef Nesbit
2). This race issue can be demonstrated by concrete examples, like the case in which a
young man, apparently mentally unbalanced, started killing nine black parishioners
during a B ible study trying to start a race war, consequently starting a discussion based
on the dialogue between black and white people in America, underlining the reality of
racial bias (Jef Nesbit 2). In other words, a national conversation is needed every time
signs that indicate a racist behavior or a preference towards white people are being
detected.
During the past two decades, a great number of polls showed that more than
three -quarters of the American population don not perceive racial tensions as being a
problem, many of them not even admitting their racist attitude, moreover “many
Americans still do, in fact, harbor beliefs about racial and ethnic minorities that are based
on racial stereotypes.” (Jef Nesbit 2) Moreover, it cannot be said that racial preju dices are
something that people are born with, it is all related with perception and likewise, it is
something learned over time. Consequently, a good aspect of this situation would be that
if we can learn something, we can also unlearn it (Jef Nesbit 2). So, in order to
understand prejudice better, we need to also understand its psychological aspects, thus
helping our brain to look in the opposite direction, but doing that requires the
identification of those psychological aspects in order to be able to ac t on them (Jef Nesbit
2).

The fact that the skin color can generate a whole range of variables as regards
black people’s life, can be exemplified by the great number of social and economic
barriers, that black people encounter in their daily life (Natasha Norman 3). It can be
stated that almost half of the hate crimes committed in America have to do with the
matter of race and racism, an exemplification is given by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, according to which 47% of the hate crimes are racially m otivated, second
place being occupied by the sexual and religious motivated crimes (Natasha Norman 3).
A cruel aspect of the everyday life is the fact that black people are more likely to
be killed by the police than white people, reality also reported b y the Washington Post
“unarmed black men are seven times more likely than whites to die by police gunfire.”
(Natasha Norman 3) The same thing applies also to the black women, who are raped,
beaten and killed by the police, maltreatment that in many cases i s not revealed, given the
fact that black women are often underrepresented (Natasha Norman 3).
Police brutality is not equally spread among racial groups and it became the cause
of death for many African -Americans along the years (Sirry Alang 5). Searching for
answers that may explain this racist attitude should lead to the same issue, namely racism,
because the death of innocent black people reflects the fact that there are greater racial
issues, that show in the police relation with the black public (Sirr y Alang 5). It can be
said that police brutality cannot only be defined by the deaths of black people, as it goes
beyond the inadequate violent behavior, including also the emotional and verbal assault,
as well as intimidation, factors that produce the bla ck people’s dehumanization (Sirry
Alang 5).
Although police brutality has been also detected among a variety of other groups,
African -American community recorded the greatest number of deaths, and according to
the majority of experts, the main cause is rel ated to the anti -black racism, which is
present in most of the white police departments (Leonard Moore 8). Apart from racism,
there are also other factors that are connected with the attitude of antipathy regarding
black people, namely the uniqueness of th e institutional culture concerning urban police
departments, which conveys a sense of solidarity and also authority (Leonard Moore 8).
Upon these attitudes and practices specific to a group depends the success of the officers
within the department, but thi s should not make their actions pardonable, given the fact

that also throughout the history their behavior was characterized by racism (Leonard
Moore 8).
As a result of the numerous deaths among the black community, the Black Lives
Matter movement emerged, but it has not stopped the brutality aga inst black people (Sirry
Alang 1 ). Moreover, the killing of black people cannot be regarded as a new
phenomenon, because “ the historical evidence of public harming and devaluing of black
bodies dates to enslavement ” (Sirry Alang 1 ). Police brutality can also be defined as one
of several ways of oppression, and it is obviously based on race. The issue of racism does
represent a problem, because “to be and act openly racist” (Alev Dudek 1 ) became
something less legally and culturally accepted, especially after th e civil rights era (Alev
Dudek 1 ). Even so, today’s racism is disguised and, in many cases, it is very difficult, if
not im possible to detect (Alev Dudek 1 ).
Leaving aside the violence of the police towards black people, there are also
active hate groups, which are part of every American state, and they can be described as
networks of extremists, whose actions are motivated by race (Natasha Norman 3). One of
the most notorious hate grou ps is the Ku Klux Klan, which was first establishes in 1866
by a small group of Confederate veterans, becoming a representation of white supremacy
and, in the same time, of racial terror “ Part of the KKK’s enduring draw is that it refers
not to a single or ganization, but rather to a collection of groups bound by u se of
now-iconic racist symbols —white hoods , flowing sheets, fiery crosses —and a
predilection for vigilante violence ” (David Cunningham 2). A part of their most
evocative symbols come from the peri od of the Civil War, the fiery crosses being,
perhaps, their most resonant symbol, and it was believed to embody the Klan’s Christian
origins, used also as a means to disseminate the light of Jesus (David Cunningham 2 ).
The Ku Klux Klan has a past characterized by violence and numerous bloody
incidents. The series of violent events began when the extremist group reached its peak in
1920, counting about six million members (Tom Leonard 1). The KKK started to show
signs of resistance the moment w hen the Civil Rights Movement emerged, resistance
characterized by the killing of black people, especially of those who were struggling for
equality (Tom Leonard 1). Thus, a series of murders took place in the 1960’s, when three
civil rights volunteers wer e killed, the events also continued in the 1980’s, when four

African -American women were shot in Tennessee, culminating with the death of Michael
Donald, a young black man, victim of a random murder (Tom Leonard 1). These events
continued up until 2016, wh en “Three people were stabbed by members and supporters of
the KKK while protesting ag ainst their rally in California.” (Rachaell Davis 3)
Nowadays, experts who monitor hate groups do not see in the Ku Klux Kla n a
dangerous potential anymore, although, according to Brian Levin, the director of the
Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at California State University at San
Bernardino, “Just because the Klan's numbers are very small, and their activities have
primarily been limited to an occasional gathering or leafleting, doesn't mean that
individuals who have been in their orbit can't act violently and commit an attack within
the United States. That is the biggest threa t now from groups like the Klan. ” (Chri s Lett
2)
In Britain, five decades hav e gone by since the passing of the Race Relation Act,
eradicating any sign of racist discrimination, thus sign like “no blacks, no Irish, no dogs ”
were no longer permitted (Kehinde Andrews 4). By thoroughly examining t he situation, it
can be observed that ethnic minority communities have encountered many disadvantages,
and that racial inequalities are present in many fields of life (Kehinde Andrews 4). If we
are to compare the rate of unemployment among black people we can see that there is a
remarkable difference “black people are almost three times as likely to be unemployed
(15.5 %) in general, and 38% of young black men currently unemployed, compared to
17.8% of white young men” (Kehinde Andrews 4). So, after many de cades of the
enactment of the Race Relation Act, racism is still present in the British society , due to
the fact that the reality of racial discrimination is part of the nation’s nature, as it can be
seen in the first subchapter.
Even after all these years in which black people have fought the preconceived
ideas of infer iority, striving for equality, racist attitudes are still present in today’s
society, generating discrepancies between communities .

Conclusions

To conclude, the era of slavery was one of great degradation for the black people,
representing a process of dehumanization in which the black man was a fundamental
element. The tragedy of the African people laid the basis of a prosperous economy,
transformi ng America into one of the world’s wealthiest nations. The reality that Africans
were subjects to various torments due to their skin color can be regarded as disturbing,
nut it is, in fact, a reality from which we should learn something. Although there wer e
differences in terms of complexion and religion between the two races, whiteness being
considered an ideal of beauty in the eyes of the Englishmen, no excuses can be found for
the injustice that black people had to endure.
Black people have been a part o f the American experience from early times,
having at the beginning the status of indentured servants. The shift from their initial
status to perpetual servitude represented not just the loss of their humanity but also an
awakening in respect of their self -consciousness. The crucial factor that helped slavery
flourish into an actual institution was the slave -trade, in which Britain became a pillar of
great importance. By having a strengthened navy and plenty of resources England’s
commerce came to dominate the entire world, thus becoming the main factor for the
evolution of slavery. For a long period of time slaves were perceiv ed by their masters as
goods or as movable property, being treated as such, but the moment they realized their
true potential, rebell ions started to take place. Having survived the most inhuman
treatment a man could endure they have not settled, they fought for their rights and for
equality trying to erase the stains of prejudice. Consequently, the Civil Rights Movement
and other black organization emerged, and with them, the emblematic figure of Martin
Luther King Jr., who inspired black people to stand for themselves.
After all the struggles for equality, black people are still facing racism in today’s
society, and even it is a veiled form of racism it is revealed by the racial inequalities
found in many areas of the social life. It is unfair for a people who has struggled for its
equality to encounter racist attitudes even today, but it is a reality from which we have to
learn. We can not turn against people because of their differences, since differences
should be celebrated and not blamed. Furthermore we have to learn from the mistakes of

the past and not to reiterate the same kind of unjust treatment as regards
African -Americans, onl y in this way a difference will be made.

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